Book Reviews by Frederick Glaysher (Rochester Hills, Michigan USA)
 


Blog format

 

Church and State: A Postmodern Political Theology.
Sen McGlinn.
University of Leiden, 2005. 432 pages.
Reviewed 12-19-07.
 
In light of the Haifan Universal House of Justice having declared Sen McGlinn a kafir, infidel, shortly after the 2005 publication of Church and State, the book resonates with many unintended ironies and contradictions. Written in hope of recasting, reformulating, reinterpreting, refocusing, and rethinking the contemporary popular Bahai understanding of Bahaullahs Teachings, Sen McGlinn has been thrown into the role of heretical Bahai theologian, denounced and excommunicated, tossed out of the church he had hoped to save from its own gross ignorance, Philistinism, anti-intellectualism, and fanaticism.

It will be interesting to see if McGlinn learns from the experience or is crushed by it. No greater test can be given an intelligent soul. It either calls out of ones being an even deeper engagement with evil and truth, a struggle for clarity and understanding, or it destroys the fragile foundations of the self, exposing the shallowness of the structure one has built on. If I am not wrong, McGlinn has resources he has only begun to call upon. Nothing could prove his thesis more than the reactionary attack of the corrupt, decadent, and fraudulent universal house of justice.

Setting aside what he himself realizes is a tedious academic literature review of Islamic and Bahai sources on the relations of church and state and blind belief in theocracy, giving the benighted sources way too much attention, McGlinn presents, as a Bahai theologian, not a historian or apologist, the first glimmer of a deeply considered vision of Bahaullahs Faith in the post-modern world. Far from a simplistic fanatical rejection of Enlightenment values, McGlinn defends their worth and realizes that, on the deepest spiritual level, so did BahaullahHe Himself teaches that the separation of church and state is the way things should be, is Gods Will, and not something to be overturned and supplanted with a despicable theocracy of one sort or anotherChristian, Islamic, Bahai, or whateverworldly power and coercion should be in the hands of those pragmatists who live with two feet on the ground and are not tempted by religious visions of spiritual utopias and New Jerusalems descending upon the earth at any cost. No wonder the organization based upon a spurious will and testament has pronounced his ideas and book takfir, anathema. He has gone deeper into Bahaullahs Teachings than they can ever hope to reach.

In a key passage of the book, McGlinn writes,

What is needed is not simply to recast Bahai thought in contemporary terms, or to hold the theological thinking of the Bahais up for critical examination in the light of Bahai scripture . . . but rather to drag Bahai thinking bodily from one world-view into the next. We can scarcely understand, now, the extent to which the Christians of the second and third centuries saw their religion in terms set by the shape of Roman society and the Roman state. If we do focus on that, we also see the magnitude of the transition initiated by Augustines theology, in disentangling the Christian religion from outdated suppositions about society (10).

The historical sweep of McGlinns vision is truly awe-inspiring. He alludes elsewhere to Plato and Ibn Farabi. I wish he would have discussed Ibn Khaldun, instead of merely relegating him to the bibliography, since he understood so profoundly the extent to which Islam had departed from its early beginnings and had been transformed into a separation of the practical control of the state under royal princes. Ibn Khaldun is the locus classicus of that realization about Islam. Analogously, McGlinn sets his entire discussion in a context and at a level that addresses the postmodern dilemmas that confront world civilization in our age and articulates a persuasive argument that Bahaullah can only be properly understood from such a vantage point, as a prophet of post-modernity, laying the foundation and rationale for a new stage of human evolution and civilization, material, political, and spiritual. Elsewhere, in his article Bahai Meets Globalisation, McGlinn states it quite directly, Bahaullah must be re-envisioned as the prophet of post-modernity (14).

McGlinns discussion of Postmodernism is unsatisfyingly brief, perhaps a reflection of the paucity of his own knowledge and omnipresent Bahai Philistinism, but, in a sketchy way, demonstrates his understanding of the issues involved, including the literary and philosophical dimensions of the underlying spiritual and religious disruptions and upheavals. Reading a book written by a Bahai scholar, one cant expect much when it comes to culture. Im accustomed to and prefer Postmodernism in literary terms, its most consciously articulate and allusive form.

Part of his discussion draws from sociological studies of globalization and technology, which emphasize the differentiation and individualization of modern life, producing, in Enlightenment terms, pluralism and relativism, all of which gives a much needed fresh, intelligent context for discussions of the Bahai Teachings, and a vastly more compelling framework within which to understand the world we live in, of lasting pluralism, contrasted with the current unthinking fundamentalism of the current Haifan denomination, for whom Bahaullahs writings have become a static, literal, unchanging fossil that they seek to cram into the now empty socket where religion belongs, the socket of their antiquated conception of a new world order, merely imitating past dispensations, imagining their assumed infallibility enables them to know better than Bahaullah.

Nothing could prove how wrong such benighted doctrinaire fanaticism is than its treatment of such an intelligent, outstanding mind as Sen McGlinn. One only need recall the similar witch hunts and expulsions of Juan Cole of the University of Michigan, Linda and John Walbridge of Indiana University, Denis MacEoin of England, and other gifted scholars and writers. The corruption runs, though, much deeper than McGlinn even realizes. Theres a naivete to many of his comments. His courting a particularly bigoted and fanatical Bahai pseudo-scholar, a few times in the book, cannot appear as anything but ridiculously misconceived, all the more so given her subsequent hatchet job on his work, the only thing shes capable of writing.

From such a perspective, Church and State presents a sad spectacle. He clearly is trying to reform and renew the intellectual and spiritual stagnation the Bahai Faith has fallen into, but it is while courting Torquemada, without having the courage to confront the inquisitor and tyrant. Torquemada demonstrates no such scruples about Sen McGlinn. Many souls died on the rack. Few, like Martin Luther, understood that the unmitigated corruption revealed a disease so evil as to require a more profound engagement with the issues involved, a return to, and renewal of, its deepest principles, to truly re-invent itself. McGlinn has rightly understood those principles, as Bahaullah did, in terms of globablisation, to offer itself as a means of giving meaning to a post-modern society. Similarly, McGlinn realizes the theocratic interpretation is wrong and a complete departure from Bahaullah. Whether he will have the strength to allow himself to acknowledge that the root of the problem is the fraudulent will and testament of Abdul-Baha, and almost everything produced by it, remains to be seen. His many quotations of Shoghi Effendi may indicate hell never be able to regain an independent Bahai perspective that would allow him to search out the truth for himself and to return to the actual writings and teachings of Abdul-Baha and His Covenant, as well as acknowledge Abdul-Baha repeatedly taught, in a sense difficult to understand, that The Bahai Movement is not an organization..

Souls can be crushed by suffering, by coming up against challenges to their inmost beliefs and sense of being, of identity. Some cravenly kiss the hand that whipped them, the dream of every tyrant. Many, if not most, go down or walk away from such ultimate confrontations and struggles for understanding and belief. Whatever the outcome for McGlinns own personal spiritual battles, and whether he breaks through to new and deeper insights, he has broken new ground for Bahais who have already learned from their experiences and have moved on to truly Reform and renew Bahaullahs Faith in the globalized world of post-modernity.

I agree with McGlinns evaluation of the ecumenical role of the Mashriqul-Adkar or Bahai House of Worship, in this book and his articles. Bahaullah and Abdul-Baha teach that it should be open to all people for prayer and worship, not merely Bahais, and the social, educational, medical, and economic dependencies and charities related to it are crucial to both community growth and the transformation of global society. McGlinn explains, quoting Abdul-Baha:

Religious and cultural pluralism is here to stay and will increase, because of mobility, individual choice, and the fact that successful modern states cannot have a religious policy. The project of the Mashriqul-Adhkar is to create an ecumenical devotional sphere, not bound to a particular doctrinal system, and open to a variety of popular devotion: In brief, the purpose of places of worship . . . is simply that of unity . . . that is why His Holiness Bahaullah has commanded that a place be built for all the religionists of the world; that all religions and races and sects may gather together; that the Oneness of the human world may be proclaimed.
. . . In the modern world, the progression from a sectarian role to a religion informing society and providing religious services to all societya church in the Weberian sensecan be achieved not by winning state patronage but by developing devotional, aesthetic and intellectual forms that sustain and are sustained by the diversity of popular religious feeling in a pluralist society (143).

Much has been damaged and lost by setting aside Abdul-Bahas unifying vision for the theocratic temptation, relegating people to the paternalism of the derisive rank and file and popular devotion.

God creates both the individual and the community, and neither truly exists without the other, especially in a globalized society:

Globalisation is a dynamic package in which individualisation is the underlying drive, and functional differentiation (including the separation of church and state), feminisation, global integration, pluralism and relativism are the results. This is in effect a new world, entailing a new principle of individual identity, and the transition places great demands on individuals capacity to adapt (144).

The House of Worship is more than a Bahai mosque or church. A whole new conception of sacred, religious space is required to understand it. After God, the individual stands at its center, independently seeking truth, in unity with humanity, not merely other believers.

McGlinn rightly argues it is the role of religion, in Bahaullahs postmodern conception of the relation of church and state, that carries the responsibility for inculcating morality and virtue into the individual and community. The problem of how to instill altruism to resist extremely self-serving individualism and license stems from the very beginning of the Enlightenment and modernity, with the separation of the state from the church in the late 1700s, with the philosophes, Voltaire, Rousseau, and other writers. The best social thinkers of our own time have struggled with the reverberations of that problem, Christopher Lasch, Robert Bellah, and Gertrude Himmelfarb, to name a few. Bahaullah preserves that separation as the Will of God, making it a religious duty to support and participate in a just government, delegating the cultivation of virtue into the hearts of men to his followers and to all religions. Religion and state complement one another in an unprecedented balance in human religious history, instead of a destructive contest convulsing society, though religion retains the duty to critique government, in service to virtue, humanity, and God. It is not enough for religion to say all this; it must prove it. The currently dominant interpretation of the Bahai Faith hasnt done too well in this regard. Mirza Ahmad Sohrab realized in his courageous book Broken Silence that the Bahai organization under Shoghi Effendi had become corrupt and destructive of the spiritual life and independence of the individual, seeking to strip the soul of the freedom of conscience and the gift of the will with which God has endowed human beings. Shades of Dostoyevsky.

McGlinns Church and State might have benefitted from his pondering this passage from Ibn Khalduns An Introduction to History, of 1377, echoing, I would say, Platos Republic:

All this has its origin in group feeling. Luxury wears out royal authority and overthrows it. Eventually, a great change takes place in the world, such as the transformation of a religion, or the disappearance of a civilization, or something else willed by the power of God. Then, royal authority is transferred from one group to anotherto the one God permits to effect that change.

Such a transformation of a religion has been long under way for the Bahai Faith, not only postmodern society and Western civilization. The dominant group-feeling of the Haifans began to sink into luxury with the passing of Abdul-Baha and the imposition of the falsified will and testament, leading to many mistakes and excesses, not the least of which was the inhuman destruction of families by requiring husbands and wives and children to shun one another over doctrinal absurdities. Many tens of thousands of Bahais realize there is something extremely unloving and wrong about the naked royal emperor; many have been driven out like McGlinn, for possessing a brain and soul; many others are waiting, looking, searching for the Will of God, for the Bahai theologian who can help them understand His Will. Sen McGlinn has earned the honor of possibly being the first Bahai worthy of the role. As has often been observed, intellectual, spiritual, and cultural history is strewn with examples of scholars and writers merely laying a brick or two in the foundation of the next generation. No small achievement in itself, but not the lofty edifice.

McGlinns intelligent though flawed book should help seeking souls in their quest for a world beyond the postmodern, offering a way to understand Bahaullahs lasting pluralism in a global world of multiplicity, where religion is the mirror of individual distinctiveness, not of collective identity.

 


Blog format
White Guilt: How Blacks and Whites Together Destroyed the Promise of the Civil Rights Era. Shelby Steele . HarperCollins, 2006.
 
 
 
 
The approval by voters of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative merely marks another step along the path of a much deeper cultural shift on the part of blacks and whites. The old formulas have not worked, are not working, and definitely never will work. In his book White Guilt, Shelby Steele tells us why, explains the sorry spectacle of over forty years of misguided government intervention in the lives of black people and the social devastation and erosion that redemptive liberals, white and black, have wreaked upon a people, undermining their earlier comparable independence and social cohesion.

Shelby Steele clearly states the real problem of the black community is one of underdevelopment. Poor leadership has failed for decades to teach that black Americans are capable of being fully responsible for their own advancement (60). Elsewhere, in his Bradley Lecture, Steele remarks, Our great mistake was to begin to rely on white guilt instead of ourselves. After the achievements of the 1960s civil rights leaders who wanted individual rights, the new generation of black militants resorted to anger, pressure, and intimidation to stigmatize white society into a debilitating sense of guilt for the wrongs of slavery and Jim Crow in order to win concessions of monetary and social compensation. It worked. Both sides got what they wanted. A paltry coin. Release from stigma. But the Faustian bargain was at the expense, for many, of further self-development and self-reliance in the black community, leading to a worsening of the social problems that all peoples are prone to when they begin to blame others for their problems. Breaking out of this pernicious system is the challenge before us all.

Nowhere has the mutually destructive relationship been more blatant than in the policies of affirmative action:

Preferential affirmative action, the classic results-oriented racial reform, tells minorities quite explicitly that they will not have to compete on the same standards as whites precisely so they can be included in American institutions without in fact achieving the same level of excellence as whites. The true concern of results reform is the moral authority of the institution. Minority development is sacrificed to the magnanimity of the institution (61).

As with the University of Michigan, so with all American institutions desperately seeking to distance and disassociate themselves from the racist white supremacy of the past. Steeles critique of such practices is utterly scathing, peeling back layer upon layer of corruption, duplicity, deceit, all carried out at the expense of young people, black, white, Asian, and so on. The institution is more interested in social engineering and proving to the world that it is not implicated in racism. Sacrificial lambs on all sides.

In his dissent to the decision of the other Supreme Court members in Grutter versus Bollinger, Justice Clarence Thomas quotes a passage from the abolitionist Frederick Douglass:

What I ask for the negro is not benevolence, not pity, not sympathy, but simply justice. The American people have always been anxious to know what they shall do with us.... I have had but one answer from the beginning. Do nothing with us! Your doing with us has already played the mischief with us. Do nothing with us! ...And if the negro cannot stand on his own legs, let him fall also. All I ask is, give him a chance to stand on his own legs! Let him alone! ... [Y]our interference is doing him positive injury (What the Black Man Wants, 1865).

Steele writes that the dissent of Justice Thomas, like that of Frederick Douglass, is a fiery and indignant demand that blacks be seen and understood first of all as human beings (144). Paternalism, by whatever American institution, the Supreme Court or the University of Michigan, constitutes a flagrant and intolerable injustice that sends waves of disruption down through the decades and generations, overwhelming and disrupting the development and dignity of a people, all people.

Shelby Steeles great book helps us to understand what has happened to us all and sets a new course away from the interfering good intentions that have led to extremely bad results. It is difficult to take the advice of Frederick Douglass. To do nothing. To trust in the innate capacities of human beings. To look to the individual to work out the meaning of his or her own destiny. To resist making ourselves feel good at the demeaning expense of others. Somehow we must learn a deeper meaning of justice, struggle together towards a deeper measure of understanding and life together as people, citizens, Americans, human beings. The wisdom of people like Shelby Steele and Justice Clarence Thomas will help us get there, tap into the deepest springs of human motivation and achievement.

Given Dr. Steeles experience teaching in university English departments, I found his critique of race and gender studies in literature and education particularly striking and perceptive of the sophistries involved, having myself met on many occasions his reform-minded academic Betty, an educator full of misguided good intentions.

Shelby Steeles White Guilt is a book of such penetrating insight into the dynamics of black and white misfortune and lost opportunity that no person remotely interested in the racial issues of our time should fail to read it.

If the University of Michigan is truly interested in the equal opportunity and success of black students, I challenge my alma mater to organize, fund, and promote a conference, a summit of people of wisdom, people who have two feet on the ground, as soon as possible, with the following keynote speakers, hosted by U of M Professor Carl Cohen, if he is willing: Ward Connerly, Thomas Sowell, Bill Cosby, Shelby Steele, John McWhorter, Juan Williams, and MSU Professor William Allen.

Frederick Glaysher
Editor, Robert Haydens Collected Prose. University of Michigan Press, 1984.
Alumnus 80 & 81
Why Voters Should Approve MCRI
www.fglaysher.com/MCRI/

 


Thomas Sowell, Black Rednecks and White Liberals. Encounter Books, 2005.
 
 
 
 
The approval by voters of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative corroborates Thomas Sowells observation in his Preface to the book, referring to a growing willingness to consider views that differ from the racial orthodoxy that has prevailed largely unchallenged from the 1960s onward in intellectual circles and in the popular media. The education, government, business, and media elites of Michigan all banded together to hammer into the population the same old tiresome racial orthodoxy, to no avail. The people had had over forty years of it, experienced it in lived life, and would have no more of it. By an overwhelming fifty-eight percent, they voted to change direction, try something different from the orthodoxy of the liberal elites. Thomas Sowells book Black Rednecks and White Liberals suggests further lines for reconsideration and change.

In this context, I believe the most interesting essays in the book are The Real History of Slavery and Black Education: Achievements, Myths and Tragedies. Rejecting the Kunte Kinte view of slavery found in Alex Haleys Roots, Sowell emphasizes that slavery was a worldwide phenomenon practiced by virtually all peoples and nations, not at all exclusively by white Western nations. Sowell perceives why the contemporary discussion of slavery is usually so distorted:

Why would anyone wish to arbitrarily understate an evil that plagued mankind for thousands of years, unless it was not this evil itself that was the real concern, but rather the present-day uses of that historic evil? Clearly, the ability to score ideological points against American society or Western civilization, or to induce guilt and thereby extract benefits from the white population today, are greatly enhanced by making enslavement appear to be a peculiarly American, or a peculiarly white, crime (111).

All of this feeds directly into the radical politics of affirmative action racial preferences. It skews our understanding of the real historical evils of slavery and substitutes emotional Hollywood distortions for the complexity of human experience.

Narrowing the history of slavery from the long record reaching back over three thousands years, in Europe, Africa, China, India, every region of the world, it was nevertheless only the Western world that developed moral compunctions against slavery and launched a bitter worldwide struggle, which lasted more than a century, to destroy the elaborate systems and institutions for the ownership and sale of human beings (114). Of particular interest is Sowells discussion of slavery under Islamic societies, in North Africa and elsewhere, which enslaved far more people than were ever brought to the Western hemisphere. Cervantes in Don Quixote has an incredible account of his five-year enslavement after the battle of Lepanto in 1571. Sowells discussion throws interesting light on the conditions to which European and African slaves found themselves subjected. Many millions of Europeans and Africans were enslaved over the centuries in Islamic countries, facts that ought to be studied much more after 9/11.

Similarly, Sowell emphasizes it was black tribal leaders who practiced slavery before, during, and after the white man arrived (120). Connecting the real history of slavery with its distorted uses by those who today want to fight for racial spoils, Sowell writes,

Yet what was peculiar about the West was not that it participated in the worldwide evil of slavery, but that it later abolished that evil, not only in Western societies but also in other societies subject to Western control or influence. This was possible only because the anti-slavery movement coincided with an era in which Western power and hegemony were at their zenith, so that it was essentially European imperialism which ended slavery. This idea might seem shocking, not because it does not fit the facts, but because it does not fit the prevailing vision of our time (134-135).

Visions hang on beyond their time, beyond their usefulness, such has been the case with racial preferences, which are predicated on a distorted sense of actual historical slavery. By addressing the real history of slavery, Sowell restores the proper perspective needed to come to terms with the complexity of American slavery and the perspective needed to find new ways to work together today. He observes at one point Africans did not treat Europeans any better than Europeans treated Africans. Neither can be exempted from moral condemnation applied to the other (139). If Michigan is seeking a new understanding of equality, one place to begin might be to realize, as Sowell says elsewhere, the prevailing vision of slavery of the morally self-anointed is wrong. To find a new future, we must recognize our understanding of the past is flawed, reconsider its complexity, understand no one is blameless, and move forward together.

In Black Education: Achievements, Myths and Tragedies, Sowell reconsiders the prevailing vision of the actual history of black education and demonstrates that it too is much different from the skewed account so many politically motivated radicals and liberals use to justify failed educational programs and policies:

The quest for esoteric methods of trying to educate black children proceeds as if such children had never been successfully educated before, when in fact there are concrete examples, both from history and from our own times, of schools that have been successful in educating black children, including those from low-income families. Yet the prevailing educational dogma is that you simply cannot expect children who are not middle class to do well on standardized tests, for all sorts of sociological and psychological reasons (203).

Sowell further states that this dogma is false for both black and other minority children and discusses a number of outstanding schools reaching from after the Civil War to the present, such as the M Street School, later to become known as Dunbar High School in Washington, DC.

After a long survey of these and other schools, Sowell writes,

What the record of successful minority schools shows, both in history and among contemporary schools, is that educational achievement is not foredoomed by economic or social circumstances beyond the school grounds, as the education establishment constantly strives to prove. Poverty, broken homes, and unruly environments are not to be ignored, downplayed or apologized for. But neither are the failings of others proof that the education establishment is doing its job right. Perfect students with perfect parents in a perfect society cannot learn things that they are not being taughtand that includes an increasing number of basic things in our public schools (217).

While the howls of protest to this passage might be the usual ones from the education establishment, I would argue his stress on working with students where they are and expecting work and discipline (221) from them is a no-nonsense approach that ought to be tried more often than not, instead of the latest pitying, enabling, undermining educational theory that asks little or nothing of kids and gets little or nothing in return. Higher expectations of their families, whether single parent or not, ought to play a part, though Sowell dismisses the idea that without parental involvement there is no hope for the child, insisting that the individual student can take charge of his or her life and achieve despite the family situation.

Excoriating the victimhood approach to education, Sowell laments that the history of successful black schools has attracted virtually no interest from either historians or educators. That history does not advance any contemporary political agenda, though it might help advance the education of a whole generation of black students (225). Far from blaming all educational problems of black students on racism, the usual liberal scapegoat, Sowell has no patience with such facile excuses and lays the blame squarely on the students themselves: By and large, black students do not work as hard as white students, much less Asian students (228). He goes on to blame a culture of non-achievement, comparing it to red-neck and lower-class whites and Asians who suffer from the same counterproductive attitudes toward education which are just as self-defeating. Failure is not restricted to any particular pigmentation or race, nor are the real reasons for such failure always unique to any particular race.

In a fine section of this chapter on education, Sowell highlights the views of Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois, documenting that their attitudes on educational expectations and other matters were much closer than the common politicized opinion today would have it. The necessary resources and exemplary individuals run rife throughout black history and experience. I would argue what is needed is for more people to hear and respect such scholars as Thomas Sowell, learn from them, and work together to chart a new path together into the future.

In his conclusion Sowell essentially challenges educational leaders and students to work harder and abandon the counterproductive notion that seeking educational excellence is acting white (244). He ends his essay on black education in a way that calls to mind Bill Cosbys recent addresses wherein Cosby has said more studies are not needed. The problems are known. The black community is in crisis and needs to take action:

Despite the heartening achievements of some black schools, which have repeatedly demonstrated what is possible even with children from low-income backgrounds, the general picture of the education of black students is bleak. Much of what is saidand not saidabout the education of black students reflects the political context, rather than the educational facts. Whites walk on eggshells for fear of being called racists, while many blacks are preoccupied with protecting the image of black students, rather than protecting their future by telling the blunt truth. It is understandable that some people are concerned about image, about what in private life might be expressed as: What will the neighbors think? But, when your children are dying, you dont worry about what the neighbors think (245).

Though bleak, attitudes are changing, will continue to change, will, as Ward Connerly has remarked, take time to change, creating a new climate of expectations and performance, on all sides. The passage of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative registers such change. Neighbors of goodwill do exist, are distressed, worried, and concerned, willing to help, where they can, if allowed. It needs to be said much more often that 14% of black voters approved the proposal. They are people who want much of what Sowell discusses in terms of education for their children and community. These two essays ought to be read by anyone serious about assessing where we are after the passage of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative, and where, together, we are all going from here.

 


John McWhorter. Winning the Race: Beyond the Crisis in Black America. Gotham, 2006.
 
 
 
 
John McWhorters Winning the Race has a strong sociological approach to the issues of black America, surveying the history of the development of the inner cities and the welfare system, leading to the dependence that later found expression in affirmative action and racial preferences. My background being more literary in nature, I do not have the grounding for assessing McWhorters sociological arguments and data and will focus on his discussion of racial preference and its dynamics, of which I have personal experience, on the ground shall we say, and extensive knowledge and interest.

Referring to radical race elites and leaders, McWhorter states,

"What people like this are seeking is, sadly, not what they claim to be seeking. They seek one thing: indignation for its own sake. And that means that the alienation that they are expressing is disconnected from current reality" (5).

Highlighting the psychological drive of the protest impulse, McWhorter continues, This is therapeutic alienation: alienation unconnected to, or vastly disproportionate to, real-life stimulus, but maintained because it reinforces ones sense of psychological legitimacy, via defining oneself against an oppressor characterized as eternally depraved (6).

He refers often throughout the book to the implicit theater entailed in such attitudes and the misguided strategy of relying on such theater for advancement and self-definition, instead of rolling their sleeves up and working out concrete plans for change (7). Putting aside the emphasis of more traditional black leaders, such as Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois, on personal responsibility and initiative, increasingly after the 1960s civil rights generation, the main culprit was whitey and his systemic racism (13). I cannot help feeling its an old story, but, one that cannot be told too often, still today, given the continuing mutual recrimination and the evasion of the obvious.

The more interesting chapters to me deal directly with affirmative action, racial preference, and the serious damage done by race elites allowing for years the continuation of the acting white mentality to spread and pollute the springs of self-reliance, independence, and education for black youth, in their inmost consciousness:

To understand that we are dealing with therapeutic alienation rather than racism brings us to implications for grappling with the black-white achievement gap in the present and future.... To set the bar lower for black students out of a sense that the achievement gap is due to socioeconomics is mistaken. Because the factor is not socioeconomic but cultural and self-perpetuating, the lowered bar only deprives black students and parents of any reason to learn how to hit the highest note. Much of the time, there is not even any way for black people to know what it would actually be to perform at that levelbecause they never have to (263).

A devastating critique of a devastating system, one that all people, white and black, have participated in creating and maintaining, much to the detriment of ourselves and our young people. McWhorters honesty about racial matters and race preferences is truly admirable. How else can we all come to understand what the situation truly is and then decide what to do about it? Alas, one can almost count on one hand the scholars intelligent and honest enough to state simply the truth about many black students on campus:

So few of them have grades or test scores high enough to qualify under the regular evaluation procedure. In response to claims from the occasional whistleblower that standards are being lowered for black students, administrators are trained to insist that this is not true. Yet, simple and readily available data show that each year, there is but a sliver of black students with the grades and test scores considered sine qua non for serious consideration if students were white or Asian (264).

Laying the blame squarely on teen culture and the failure of black and white parents and leaders to have sufficiently high expectations for all students, McWhorter faces what virtually no one else in America will. Its our fault. Weve got the pernicious system weve created, along with all the social and personal destruction that goes with it. I like the way he puts it at one point: a new sense of black identity in the sixties has led to a quiet cultural disconnect from the school thing (273). Instead of self-defeating cultural patterns, McWhorter argues for the cultural patterns that produce success for all people. For decades, Caribbean and African immigrants, Asian boat people, and others who have entered urban schools have flown past the kids held back by the misguided ideas of the race elites: As long as black students have to do only so well, they will do only so well (295). Like Ward Connerly, John McWhorter clearly advocates expecting more of black kids, knowing only then can society and educators elicit from students their highest potential.

In the light of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative (MCRI) and the misleading allegations surrounding gender that have been used to scare white females into voting against it, McWhorter asks a simple question that Michigan women ought to consider: Whites listening to defenses based on diversity should ask themselves a simple question: Would you allow this of your own children? (308). Cutting to the quick and ending his book on the hopeful note that black kids are every bit as capable of competing and achieving as anybody else, McWhorter quite rightly states, lampooning radical race elites who benefit from the affirmative action gravy train, The simple fact is that America is quietly getting past race despite the best efforts of the Soul Patrol to pretend otherwise (377).

The work of John McWhorter ought to be even more widely known than it already is in Michigan and throughout the country. On November 8th, Michigans concerned citizens should turn more to his understanding of what went wrong and what is required for success.

If the University of Michigan is truly interested in the equal opportunity and success of black students, I challenge my alma mater to organize a conference, a summit of people who have two feet on the ground, as soon as possible after November 8th, with the following keynote speakers, hosted by U of M Professor Carl Cohen: Ward Connerly, Thomas Sowell, John McWhorter, Shelby Steele, Bill Cosby, Juan Williams, and MSU Professor William Allen.

Ending racial preferences in Michigan and throughout the Nation is essential for creating an atmosphere of high and equal expectations for all our children, capable of Winning the Race, in all senses of the phrase. Together we will find our way towards a new meaning of what it is to be an American, as did Ralph Ellison in Invisible Man, not white OR black, but white AND black. And all the shades of humanity beyond.

 

 

Juan Williams, Enough: The Phony Leaders, Dead-End Movements, and Culture of Failure that are Undermining Black Americaand What We Can Do About It. Crown, New York. 2006.
 
 
 
 
The major shortcoming of Juan Williams book is that he doesnt go far enough. But more of that later. It should first be said that he goes very far indeed, saying much that has needed to be said for years, if not decades. No mean achievement. The subtitle itself sets out much of the structure of the book: The Phony Leaders, Dead-End Movements, and Culture of Failure that are Undermining Black Americaand What We Can Do About It. Williams discussion is built around Bill Cosbys speech in 2004 on the fiftieth anniversary of the Supreme Courts decision in Brown v. Board of Education, as well as Cosbys numerous other talks throughout the country since then, including Detroit.

Williams laments the lack of any real leaders in the black community in the tradition of Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. Dubois, and Martin Luther King, Jr., all of whom in Williams view shared a commitment to black self-reliance and self-determination:

In its place is a tired rant by civil rights leaders about the power of white peoplewhat white people have done wrong, what white people didnt do, and what white people should do. This rant puts black people in the role of hapless victims waiting for only one thingwhite guilt to bail them out (32).

He lambasts both Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton as never having really accomplished much, in a way similar to John McWhorters scathing reference to black theatrics. Returning often to Bill Cosbys speeches, concurring with Cosby, Williams states, At some point, people have to take a personal accounting, turn away from any self-defeating behavior, and be sure they are doing everything in their power to put their families and their communities in a position to prosper and advance (43). Jackson and Sharpton have slowed the emergence of any new model of national black political leadership (47). Juan Williams never suggests that Bill Cosby is in a sense the modelCosby himself has repeatedly stated hes an entertainer, not a leader, but merely someone sick and tired of it all and speaking out to wake people up to how bad things really are. Williams book goes a long way towards helping people do just that by facing the unpleasant facts.

Some of those facts include the diversion of attention and resources from the truly pressing needs of the black community to a futile fight for reparations for slavery. The chapter title says it all: The Reparations Mirage.

In a chapter on education, Juan Williams frames his discussion with Cosbys provocative challenge, What the hell good is Brown v. Board of Education if nobody wants it? The dismal statistic of a 50 percent black drop out rate from high school, the best students pilloried as acting white, behavior way out of control, and so on, all adds up to deep and endemic crisis for young black people and the community. Cosby, Williams, and others are to be applauded for caring enough about the students themselves that they have publicly confronted and discussed what the issues really are, unlike those who, as Cosby cuts to the quick, are worried they would lose their gig. Indeed, there are black leaders and school officials who deserve to, and should, lose their gig, for the sake of the children and the future good of the black community.

On the national level in regard to black crime, Juan Williams similarly asserts there has been a failure of leadership:

Never a word was spoken about the need for black Americans to take up their own war on drugs and on crime as a matter of personal responsibility.... All the silence could not blind anyone to the neon lights flashing sad facts about the severity of black crime. By 2004 federal data showed that black Americans13 percent of the populationaccounted for 37 percent of the violent crimes, 54 percent of arrests for robbery, and 51 percent of murders. Most of the victims of these violent criminals were their fellow black people. This legitimate fear of violent crime by black people spread into every corner of the nation (116).

To these sad facts, Cosby and Williams rightly emphasize the utter crisis that confronts black America, all of America, and the need to wake up, take personal responsibility, and begin at the most basic level of society, with rebuilding the black family and community, citing the past in about 1950 when 78% of black children were raised in two-parent homes, compared to today with approximately only 34%. Williams also repeatedly emphasizes Cosbys other major points, education and hard work, giving many inspiring examples.

Part of that rebuilding involves confronting the glorification of violence and sex in hip-hop and rap music and videos. Increasingly widely criticized, and justly, by many people, black and otherwise, for the misogyny and demeaning portrayals and exploitation of women, Williams discusses a number of disturbing and shocking incidents and rappers, highlighting that again black leaders, by failing to speak out and condemn the corruption of rap for all these years has resulted in real damage to the most vulnerable of black Americapoor children, boys and girls, often from broken homes (133).

Throughout his book, Juan Williams demonstrates a firm command of the history of black people in America, the heroic struggle for freedom and dignity. Bringing it alive for black people today, he shows how black history is indeed relevant to the current problems of phony leadership and community crisis. He seems to be saying the resources are there in the past and in the people; we need to do a better job of drawing on the best and striving to live up to it; we need leaders who can set the right standards, point us in the right direction, and demand we struggle for the mountain top.

My only misgiving with his book is that he seems studiously to avoid the subject of affirmative action, which I believe is a significant part of the problem, undermining self-determination and providing false excuses for failure or the lack of personal development. Unlike John McWhorter who directly takes on affirmative action, Williams may feel its best just to discuss the need for personal and community responsibility, cultural improvement.

I would argue the psychological chains binding the wrists of the black community must be cut, if any true progress is to be made. After all, the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative (MCRI), up for a vote in the very same year Williams publishes his book, will almost certainly pass and quite probably help further lead to a nationwide end of racial preference. Williams ignores the entire issue. It seems to me that Ward Connerly, Shelby Steele, Thomas Sowell, and others are more perceptive in this regard, kicking the destructive, misbegotten crutch away. But for anyone interested in an insightful survey and analysis of the issues that will remain and must be confronted on November 8th, Juan Williams Enough may be one of the best place to begin.

 

Creating Equal : My Fight Against Race Preferences by Ward Connerly
 
 
 
 
A Courageous Man and a Brilliant Book.... March 25, 2000
In Creating Equal, Ward Connerly returns the *human* dimension to the realities of race in America. Where so often what the poet Robert Hayden called "race rhetoric" substitutes for thought and dialogue, Connerly confronts long-held affirmative action doctrine with compelling insight into the pervasive devastation race preferences have actually had for all people.

His emphasis on the necessity of basic human virtue and morality stands as both an indictment of us all and a call to struggle together toward a new vision of what it means to be an American.

At last someone other than a radical black or white "civil rights professional" has found a way to speak to these issues and reach all Americans--not merely the campus crowd.

Connerly rightly deserves to be more widely known not merely as an opponent of race preferences but rather as a matchless defender of free speech and conscience, a cause for which he has also suffered dearly at one university after another throughout our country.

Whatever shape our future will take regarding race, Ward Connerlys personal and public odyssey will be part of the answer, as it is a clear sign for renewed hope that reason and sanity may yet prevail.

 


 

A Dream Deferred : The Second Betrayal of Black Freedom in America by Shelby Steele
 
 
 
 
 
Reawakening the Dream.... December 7, 2000
This morning, sometime around three or four AM, I woke up thinking about Shelby Steeles A Dream Deferred. I read it a number of months ago and have been wanting to write a brief note about it. There are so few intelligent, reasonable, sane voices speaking about racial matters in America I feel it as a duty to try to acknowledge those who are so scorned by the forces of both white and black extremist liberalism. The thought that impelled me out of bed was that I owe it to my memory of the best friend Ive ever had in my life, who happened to be black, long deceased and sorely missed. So I struggle for words, knowing I will never meet that high mark.

Others may criticize Mr. Steele for emphasizing this and underplaying that, but I want to praise his thoughtful probing of the dynamics of affirmative action and how it assuages white guilt while keeping some black people from developing their highest potential. As a former college English instructor, I occasionally had minority students who were accustomed to being handed As and were shocked to receive Cs. Repeated experience convinced me that affirmative action was part of the problem. They lacked the self-discipline and responsibility that Steele extolls: "Very often those who educate poor blacks feel excused from the responsibilities of high expectations and academic rigor by the very conditions that make such expectations mandatory."

My students had had years of misguided low expectations from both teachers and administrators and had ultimately internalized them. I recall one student telling me he had to have a grade higher than a C. When I responded that he should read the Harbrace Handbook from cover to cover and do as many of the exercises as possible, he stared at me in disbelief. I encouraged him to be gentle with himself and to expect to retain only perhaps sixty to eighty percent of his study but that with time and continual effort he would achieve a more sophisticated level of literacy.

Having started as a TA in the early 1980s when most students in writing classes received the C they deserved, I found it difficult to hand out largely all Bs, while the pressure for all As sent me looking for another way to make a living so as not to participate in the fraud of "higher" education. Misguided white guilt only complicates matters for serious, capable minority students and makes it all the more unlikely theyll be called upon to strive to develop their abilities to the highest degree possible. Steele perceptively touches on how university administrators are exacerbating this decline.

On another note, Steele states "to be human is to be responsible" and profoundly probes the intricacies of human motivation, responsibility, and the ways in which affirmative action and the thinking of politically correct race elites erode individual agency:

"Race should *never* play a role in social reform for many reasons, not least of which is that it is *always* used to help people avoid full agency for their fate. It always transforms the responsibility that free minorities should carry into a commodity that others will use for their own moral power. Race absolutely corrupts those who use it for redemption and absolutely weakens those who use it for advancement" (112).

To all of which I say, "amen." I hope, indeed struggle to hope, that men like Shelby Steele, Ward Connerly, Thomas Sowell, David Horowitz and others will find the resources to continue to set a new course from the lamentable situation that plagues race relations today, especially in the university, though the struggle against patronizing white guilt for true individual responsibility and achievement exists in all walks of life. It seems to me that it is a struggle that must be fought primarily by intelligent blacks and minorities who have had enough of the insult of affirmative action to stand up and fight for the unquestionable respect and honor they so rightly deserve and merit.


 


 

The Quest for Cosmic Justice by Thomas Sowell
 
 
 
 

 
Chastising the Self-Anointed.... June 27, 2000
Thomas Sowell may be one of the most despised black men in America-despised by extremist liberals, black and white, because Sowell has devoted his abilities to exposing their destructive ideologies of social redemption as counterproductive to the best interests of all Americans. Widely known for his provocative, nationally syndicated newspaper articles and other books, he focuses, in The Quest for Cosmic Justice, on the misguided thinking behind the modern impulse to reform the very nature of the human condition from individual responsibility, competition, and performance to the tragic consequences of affirmative action and universal egalitarian equality. Sowell locates the source of much of the problem in the academy, law schools, and government where "new elites" are quietly repealing the American Revolution.

The "morally self-anointed," as he calls excessively liberal reformers and radicals, "have for centuries argued as if no honest disagreement were possible, as if those who opposed them were not merely in error but in sin.... Given this exalted vision of their role by the anointed visionaries, those who disagree with them must be correspondingly degraded or demonized." Marx, Lenin, Hitler, and Mao all followed this procedure, as have utopians of similar or less horrible results.... That comparable dynamics rule the day, especially in the humanities in many American universities, will not surprise those who have any real experience of those departments. Sowell evokes the American political system and tradition in the hope of preventing its further erosion.

One of the many perceptive and striking points Sowell makes in the book involves "The High Cost of Envy." Pointing out its dangers broadly to poor people, he writes,

"The very terms of the discussion encourage them to attribute their less fortunate position to social barriers, if not political plots, and so to neglect the kinds of efforts and skills which are capable of lifting them to higher economic and social levels."

The acquisition of such "skills, education, discipline, foresight," needed to improve their lot, becomes less likely, as the "ideology of envy" blames others for exploitation and racism, undermining their own will to act, while rendering "more successful members suspect as traitors." Sowell observes this same "bogus explanation" can keep entire societies in poverty, making me think of my recent experience as an accredited participant at the United Nations Millennium Forum, May 22-26, 2000, where I witnessed Kofi Annans wise proposal for a Global Compact with business swept aside and essentially replaced with the "sophisticated modern versions of the envy vision spread by the Third World intelligentsia, often seconded by the intelligentsia in more fortunate countries."

Summing up in a passage that has very wide application, Sowell states, "cosmic justice attempts to create equal results or equal prospects, with little or no regard for whether the individuals or groups involved are in equal circumstances or have equal capabilities or equal personal drives. To do this, it cannot operate under general rules, the essence of law, but must create categories of people entitled to various outcomes, regardless of their own inputs . . . assuming with little or no evidence that only malign intentions or systemic bias could explain unequal results. Affirmative action is perhaps the classic example of this approach but it is only one example." His insight into the subtleties of modern ideologies is truly remarkable, as is his own high and demanding sense of justice.

Alas, I seriously found myself wondering at times if Sowells Quest for Cosmic Justice is not a voice in the wilderness, as always, one come much too late. But I take heart in knowing such people as he, Shelby Steele, and Ward Connerly have the courage to speak out on race and other matters and in the end hope that events will unfold for the good in ways I can not imagine and that now seem so often unlikely. In this context, I recommend reading Robert Conquests Reflections on a Ravaged Century, a parallel meditation on the dilemmas of modernity.
 


 

Hating Whitey: And Other Progressive Causes by David Horowitz
 
 
 
 
 
 For Betty - Oh God, What Have We Done.... June 16, 2000
One brings to a book everything one is and has been through. Let me discuss David Horowitzs Hating Whitey by seemingly digressing a little on my own experience.

I grew up in the white suburbs of Detroit during the `60s and `70s and have vivid memories of the Detroit riot and my uncle and aunts bakery being almost burnt to the ground, while their neighbors and friends were increasingly driven out by violence and the erosion of social order. In the end, they too accepted the inevitability of flight for their lives. More than forty years of programs and promises of "renaissance" have only produced a dysfunctional city that often can neither educate its young nor reliably provide the most basic services such as snow removal and, for a couple of days now, electricity.

At the University of Michigan I studied with Robert Hayden, a former Poet Laureate at the Library of Congress, who thought of himself as a human being, first and foremost, though he begrudgingly accepted Afro-American, despite his preference at times for Negro, coming from an older time. The child of an interracial marriage, Hayden loathed the divisiveness of racial politics and lacerated radical blacks on more than one occasion. Ultimately, his vision of human oneness melded with that of Martin Luther King and similar figures, challenging us all to a deeply demanding spiritual ethic, a universal standard holding all accountable, before which all must struggle and strive.

David Horowitz devastatingly chronicles the result of the lack of such a standard on race relations during the last forty years; the result in the university; the result in the media; the result in the legal system; the result in politics; the result in the hearts and minds and souls of our entire nation.

As one who has edited the poems and prose of a human being usually identified as black, I have had the experience several times of being invited for job interviews at colleges only to be met with disbelief and gaping mouths when I, a whitey, walked in through the departmental door. I am one who has lived through almost everything about which Horowitz writes regarding academia, including losing a tenure track job as the result of a relentless and byzantine conspiracy of "colleagues" who wanted a black in the position, one widely perceived by those fit to judge as nowhere near my intellectual equal and who eventually had to be removed from my post for incompetence.

Horowitzs major shortcoming, typical of the modern secular mind, liberal or conservative, is that his critique, unlike Dostoevsky who understood the nature of modernity, does not go deep enough into the spiritual collapse that underlies the dynamics of race, as they underlay the collapse into communism. This failure is also evident in his Destructive Generation, which is, nevertheless, another of his brave and brilliant books. Perhaps someday Horowitz will plumb further into the depths of radical causes.

Being a white man and given the politically charged nature of race today, Horowitz demonstrates a rare streak of moral strength and courage by his daring to speak his conscience against black racism and the misguided designs of race elites. Fortunately, he is not alone. Along with Hating Whitey, those truly interested in beginning to understand and confront the race dilemmas of America should also read Ward Connerlys Creating Equal, Shelby Steeles A Dream Deferred, and Thomas Sowells The Quest for Cosmic Justice, works by exceptional, heroic human beings who have all been slandered as Uncle Toms by more than one race radical.
 


 

Michigan Civil Rights Initiative

 MCRI Blog

Why I Collected Signatures for the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative

 



Tower of Babble: How the United Nations has Fueled Global Chaos. Dore Gold. Crown Forum, NY, 2004.
 
 
 
 
 Half the Babbling Story.... July 12, 2006
Dore Gold tells the story of the corruption and failure of the dream of world organization and peace. Created in the aftermath of World War II, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, the United Nations, the Allies against the fascist powers, has been infiltrated and hamstrung by despotic, racist, authoritarian regimes to the point of not being a mere irrelevancy but an active irritant and cause of international disorder.

Given Golds background as an Israeli diplomat, much of his focus and concern is on the anti-Semitism of the Arab and Third World block during the last few decades and its continual usurpation and undermining of the human rights machinery of the United Nations. While many observers might argue with the details of Golds critique, alleging perhaps that he hates the United Nations, distorts the facts, and so forth, I must say his animus runs deeper. The UN has failed to live up to the ideals of its Founding Fathers, and subsequent leaders, in the West and East, have failed to work diligently enough to develop the UN into a sufficiently humane and democratic system of international cooperation and governance. Without such strenuous efforts at developing the UN into something other than an instrument or tool of national policies, the UN shouldnt entirely be blamed alone for its miserable results. In any event, there is plenty of blame to go around. Mr. Gold never recognizes that Western powers must bear their part of the load.

However, I agree fully with him in this regard:

"It is time to recognize that it has utterly failed to achieve its founders goals to halt aggression and assure world order" (238).

Reinvigorating the UN, as he says, may indeed be a long way off but it is the task that lies at hand. The Allies must summon the will to do it or create another international coalition worthy of their ideals. The sooner, the better.
 

The Vendor of Sweets (Penguin Twentieth-Century Classics) by R. K. Narayan
 
 
 
 
 

 Indias Kali Yuga.... December 21, 2000
The novelist R. K. Narayan (1906-) was born into a Tamil-speaking, Brahmin family. For several years he attended Christian schools in Madras, where he was raised by his grandmother, a devout Hindu who taught him the traditional songs and prayers. His fiction often presents a persona who undergoes a crisis that drives him back in some way to a resolution suffused with an evocation of the Hindu past. Often portrayed as a simple pious Hindu, R. M. Varma, of the University of Jodhpur, more insightfully observes, "Cultural ambivalence is a marked characteristic of Narayans fictional technique and he hovers between his Hindu faith and lack of it. He merely uses it as a landscape in his fiction."

In his brilliant The Vendor of Sweets (1967), Narayan presents a character named Jagan who owns a small shop that sells sweetmeats. Presented as somewhat of a religious crank, he is a follower of Gandhi who still works his spinning wheel and sits in his shop reading the Bhagavad Gita in between customers. Jagan lives in an idealized traditional India of long ago incongruously conflated with the modern present.

Jagans only son Mali fully lives in the modern world, not only of India but of America as well. Dropping out of college, as Jagan had as a young man out of misconstrued loyalty to Gandhi, Mali, without consulting with his father, enrolls in a creative writing program in Michigan and helps himself to Jagans attic stash of rupees in order to pay his expenses. Narayan consistently portrays Mali as a son who has lost all the traditional Hindu virtues while Jagan spoils him and makes excuses for him.

After three years in America Jagan abruptly receives a cable announcing Malis return with "another person" whom upon arrival at the train station he introduces as his wife, Grace. Jagan suffers a severe shock. His son has not only gone to America, where he in fact does begin to eat beef, but married there without informing his family. Further disoriented because the girl is a Korean-American, Jagan thinks she is Chinese and reflects, "Dont you know that one cant marry a Chinese nowadays? They have invaded our borders. . . ." Having stopped reading the Bhagavad Gita while receiving letters he believed were from Mali in America, but were actually from Grace, Jagan starts reading it "becoming mentally disturbed once again." Narayan subtly dramatizes his reading of the Gita as linked to his disturbed relationship with his son and thereby with modern India. Before long Grace, his new daughter-in-law, begins to take charge of the house and care for Jagan, his wife having died while Mali was in America. Soon she transforms the part of the nineteenth-century house in which she and Mali live with modern Western paintings and furnishings.

In one of the few revealing statements by Mali, "with a gesture of disgust," he says to his father, "Oh, these are not the days of your ancestors. Today we have to compete with advanced countries not only in economics and industry, but also in culture." Satirizing the trash creative writing programs churn out in America, Narayan underscores simultaneously the gulf between father and son, traditional and modern.

Shock upon modern shock rolls over Jagan. His son not only lived unmarried with a foreign woman of mixed descent in his ancestral home but shamelessly concealed it from his father. As Jagan explains to the cousin, "Even my grandfathers brother, who was known to be immoral, never did this sort of thing." His "dirtied" home, "which had remained unsullied for generations, had this new taint to carry." Since all of Jagans traditional, conventional relations have already "ostracized him" over the "beef-eating Christian girl for a daughter-in-law," Jagan realizes they would "remove themselves further" should they learn of the "latest development." In a significant moment of honesty, Jagan observes he "felt grateful for being an outcast, for it absolved him from obligations as a member of the family." Jagan sits in the dark by the Sir Frederick Lawley statue, a relic from the British past, and meditates on his own arranged marriage in a richly embellished chapter that brilliantly evokes the traditional marriage customs of the joint family system in India and devastatingly insinuates the decayed state of his own house and modern India.

Jagan awakens in the dawn from his night of memories, fantasizing again of entering "a new janma." In regard to the traditional ceremony marking a man turning sixty, the narrator honestly concedes again that Jagan himself "had had his fill of these festivals." In his own way, the narrator frequently intimates, Jagan has picked over and repudiated various customs from the past. So one relative is imagined as saying how could the son Mali be different with "a father like Jagan." Narayan suggests a subtle, logical, and culminating connection of decline between father and son.

The values of the Ramayana and other sacred texts have no resonance for Mali. Jagan, lost and faltering, unable to cope fully with the clash of his traditional values with the modern world, resolves absurdly to retreat across the river, taking his bank book with him, after agreeing to pay for a lawyer for Mali and offering an airline ticket for Grace to return to America: "Its a duty we owe her."

V. S. Naipaul has remarked of Narayans The Vendor of Sweets that it is "a novel in which his fictional world is cracked open, its fragility finally revealed, and the Hindu equilibrium . . . collapses into something like despair." In his "On Alternative Modernities," Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar has similarly observed, "Everywhere, at every national or cultural site, the struggle with modernity is old and familiar." Narayan has so thoroughly undermined and complicated Jagan with the tensions of twentieth-century life, deep within the structure of the narrative voice itself, only the most shallow or tendentious reading can fail to perceive the scathing critique of both the antedated and bankrupt, traditional and modern, values of India and Western civilization.
 


Unvanquished : A U.S. - U.N. Saga by Boutros Boutros-Ghali
 
 
 
 

Global Tragedies of Our Own Making.... October 30, 2000
Ive often thought or returned to passages in Boutros Boutros-Ghalis Unvanquished since reading it in the early summer of 1999. Throughout the debate and defeat of the CTBT, the charades over Congressional withholding of funding to the UN, Jesse Helms appalling performance before Security Council Members in January of 2000, my attending the Millennium Forum as an accredited participant at the UN in May 2000, watching and hoping the requisite will might be found at the Millennium Summit in September 2000, I have repeatedly found myself recalling Boutros-Ghalis devastating critique of US undermining of the United Nations, struggled to fight off a pervasive sense of tragedy and lost opportunity, lost since 1992 when Boutros-Ghalis Agenda for Peace was shunted aside.

How many echos Ive heard from the couple of hundred books Ive read on the League of Nations and United Nations. How frightening it has been to watch my fellow citizens so obsessed with their own little private, selfish worlds, turning away from international responsibilities and duties, scape-goating the UN for our own failures and loss of nerve. During the last year, Ive interviewed on over 230 radio stations about my own book, Into the Ruins, on the UN, in my own terms, and have heard firsthand all the extremist arguments against the participation of my country in the Organization, attempting to refute them as best I can.

There are many who understand the seriousness of the situation. William H. Luers, the President of the UNA-USA, writes a comprehensive appeal for UN support in his "Choosing Engagement: Uniting the U.N. with U.S. Interests" in the September/October 2000 issue of Foreign Affairs. The UNA, World Federalist Association, and others have done much to educate and elevate discussion about the necessity of our global cooperation through the United Nations. Alas, I often doubt, in the end, such efforts will save the day. Boutros Boutros-Ghalis Unvanquished reveals why. Having read all the writings and memoirs of the UN Secretary Generals, I believe Unvanquished stands alone as the most insightful, courageous, heroic work ever written about the realities of the United Nations and its Member States, especially the US.

Having failed the League of Nations and themselves, the global community rose from the ashes of World War II to form a more perfect union. As the Millennium Summit has recently demonstrated on paper, while most of the US media ignored it, the Member States understand precisely what needs to be done. Events already suggest they, we, still lack the will and shall quite likely have to suffer the dread forces of history in order to find it.
 


A Roadside Dog by Czeslaw Milosz
 
 
 
 

 Antinomies.... October 24, 2000
In A Year of the Hunter, Czeslaw Milosz unequivocally writes, "Poetrys separation from religion has always strengthened my conviction that the erosion of the cosmic-religious imagination is not an illusion and that the vast expanses of the planet that are falling away from Christianity are the external correlative of this erosion." Road-Side Dog exudes this same consciousness, yet, interested only in Christianity, he fails to perceive that vast expanses of the planet have also left behind the Islamic, Hindu, Taoist, Confucian, and Buddhist religions.

Like his contemporaries, Milosz is a child of dualities and contradictions, as he discloses in Unattainable Earth: "Sometimes believing, sometimes not believing, / With others like myself I unite in worship." Though "loyal and disloyal," he performs what is in itself an act of affirmation. One reason for such tensions must be his recognition that we are "In an intermediary phase, after the end of one era and before the beginning of a new one." In another entry he writes, "There is only one theme: an era is coming to an end which lasted nearly two thousand years, when religion had primacy of place in relation to philosophy, science and art. . . ." Milosz recognizes the validity of his own honest doubts and the abyss of evil and historical calamity that is swallowing everything before it, yet he does so while continuing to "unite in worship." Similarly, in "Lecture V" of The Collected Poems, the persona affirms "We plod on with hope," and then allows, "And now let everyone / Confess to himself. eHas he risen? eI dont know." It was perhaps these lines that led Pope John Paul II to say to Milosz, as he reports in A Year of the Hunter, "You always take one step forward and one step back." In an essay in New Perspectives Quarterly, Milosz describes himself as a believer, while in A Year of the Hunter he refers to an experience in church on Palm Sunday as an "intuitive understanding that Christ exists." These contradictions achieve their fullest expression in "Two Poems" in Provinces: The first poem celebrates earthly life and its values, while the second poem, "A Poem for the End of the Century," bitterly, ironically recalls the religious past. Of these two contrasting poems, Milosz writes in a headnote that "taken together" they "testify to my contradictions, since the opinions voiced in one and the other are equally mine." To highlight either side over the other would be a distortion of his psyche. Milosz conveyed his complexity to the Pope when he replied, "Can one write religious poetry in any other way today?" I have often thought of Virginia Woolfs Mr. Ramsay in To The Lighthouse, ascending the island rocks, exclaiming, in one of the most poignant settings of modern literature, "There is no God."

Perhaps because Milosz perceives our age as an intermediary one, he finds it more possible than most poets to hold out hope for the future. His hope, though, as we have seen, is not naive, foolish, or unaware of the incessant disintegration. It is that of one tried by experience, who yet believes there are reasons for such a poem as "Thankfulness." To give "thanks for good and ill" manifests a trust that transcends our usual human self-centeredness and that submits to the power of the mystery of being, a trust that acknowledges in another poem "They are incomprehensible, the things of this earth." Such trust is also the prerequisite to finding "Eternal light in everything on earth." Although from the viewpoint of traditional Catholic belief some might think such lines are suffused with vague gnosticism, accuse him of having fallen off from the faith, of "willing belief," as he says of himself in The Land of Ulro, one must recognize the honest complexity of his commitment if one wishes to confront, as he has, the undeniable damage that has been visited upon all organized forms of religion and government during the modern era.

In reference to religion, while recognizing the undeniable damage, Milosz has often expressed his skepticism and uneasiness with Catholicism. Although he seems to favor at times reversion to Catholicism, suggests he himself is a heretic, harbors the conceit of possessing the true truth among the great religions, he also writes of going "forward, but on a different track," of a "new vision," "a new awareness," "new perspectives," as in A Year of the Hunter:

Why should we shut our eyes and pretend, rejecting theobvious, that Ancient Rome is again in decline, and this time its not pagan Rome under the blows of Christianity, but the Rome of the monotheists God? Since this, and nothing else, is the undeclared theme of contemporary poetry in various languages, obviously this conflict has already crossed the threshold of universal consciousness. . . . Perhaps . . . new perspectives will open up . . . .

Milosz has worked more deeply with the spiritual dislocations of modern life than any other poet of the twentieth century since T. S. Eliot.

In regard to government, Miloszs experience prepared him to understand where we have been and where we are going in a manner unique among modern poets. All the more eloquently rings his plea in his Nobel Lecture for sanity eventually to prevail among the nations of the earth:

We realize that the unification of our planet is in the making, and we attach importance to the notion of international community. The days when the League of Nations and the United Nations were founded deserve to be remembered.

This realization of the importance of international community can be found throughout his writings. Its source, beyond his own experience, was, by his own testimony, his uncle, Oscar Milosz, poet and seer, who predicted the "triumph of the Roman Catholic Church." Narrow Catholic hopes aside, history, lower case, moves toward the vindication of both of them, as well as of all those who have stood throughout this century for the further development of international institutions through which the nations may cooperate for the protection of the weak and vulnerable, for the protection of the little ones. If "There are no direct lessons that American poets can learn from Milosz," the fault lies entirely with us and the age of academic criticism that has almost strangled the life out of poetry.
 


 
John Milton (Blooms Modern Critical Views) by Harold Bloom
 
 
 
 
 
Abdiel Agonistes.... October 24, 2000
John Miltons reputation has unjustly suffered a diminution during the last two centuries. The romantics, repulsed by his religious theme of the earthly pilgrimage of the soul, corrupted his poem by maliciously interpreting Satan as the hero, despite Miltons unequivocal condemnation of Satan and his equally lucid characterization of the repentant Adam as the true hero. T.S. Eliot and those who ape his opinions also find Milton the man and his religious beliefs repellent. The poets of the modern era deride Milton because, in general, they have abandoned religious belief and turned to vague forms of idealism, as in Whitmans Democratic Vistas, and to the creation of idiosyncratic ersatzes, as in Poes Eureka. John Keatss Endymion and the Hyperion poems fail as much because of their superficial content as their poor structure and execution. In Audens analysis, "the modern problem" hamstrings the romantics as much as Yeats or Pound. Milton never suffered from such a malady and hence the envious detestation he has received from minor poets who are unquestionably his inferiors. Milton possesses a serious vision of history and humankind that could only achieve full expression in the most demanding form of poetry--the epic. But most poets of the last few hundred years have not found themselves entrusted with such a vision. Much to the contrary, they excel in every imaginable type of turpitude and triviality that the human mind is capable of producing. Like Yeats they have often thrown together every decadent principle or superstition that has ever happened along. This sorry state of affairs has become so common in postmodern poetry that anyone who would attempt to restore epopee to its glorious heights of noble seriousness and serenity would find ranked against him every academic hack and, as Milton phrased it, every "libidinous and ignorant" poetaster who has "scarce ever heard of that which is the main consistence of a true poem."

Milton knew the "consistence of a true poem," and both Paradise Lost and many passages scattered throughout his prose attest to it. In The Reason of Church Government he surveys the abilities of such masters as Homer, Virgil, Job, and Sophocles. Along with the modern loss of belief in God has gone his high and serious belief in the office of the poet. Equally banished from the modern conception of poetry is all respect for positive values, morals, and virtues. The story of twentieth-century literature is the abuse and misguided replacement of such healthy standards with the perversions of modernism and postmodernism. In brief, "the modern problem."

Unlike in the work of Jacques Derrida and his academic flies, the "presence" of God is a reality for Milton. Here in the abstract Milton gives us what throughout Paradise Lost he has been dramatizing--the "principles and presuppositions" to which Adam, representative man, must obediently submit, not merely in Eden, but for the fulfillment of his life during his journey on the earthly plane. In Satan, Milton presents the picture of the rebel, almost a type of the Renaissance hero Benvenuto Cellini, who through pride usurps power and whose fundamental actions and motives have their most appropriate modern analogue, as many have observed, in the archvillains Hitler, Mussolini, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao. Such men fully embody the will to power that the nihilist Nietzsche, as Thomas Mann put it, glorified. Such totalitarian dictators were the inevitable product of the romantic fascination with Satan, as though he were a hero and not an arrogant aspirant after power. Such cultural confusion reveals itself in Goethes Faust as well as in Nietzsches Thus Spake Zarathustra.

Such errors in judgment, such fundamental confusion of values, mark the modern era and set it off from the spiritually healthier times of Dante, Langland, Spenser, and Milton--healthier only in terms of possessing to a degree a unified spiritual vision that provided universal standards with which to confront the damnable deeds of their day. Far from the banal optimism of the modern era, as in Whitman, they know that the long hard way of man is through suffering and turmoil and that the assurance Michael gives Adam about future generations abides eternally: "Doubt not but that sin / Will reign among them." Despite Freuds "freeing" man from sin, the twentieth century proved to be the most sinful in history, precisely because the unique spiritual reality of each soul and its fundamental limitations were denied. The violent, arrogant, insidious deeds of the archvillains of modern political nihilism alone account for the suffering and deaths of hundreds of millions of people, while much of the so-called intelligentsia of the West and East defended or prepared the way for the slaughter. Whereas Virgil denounced war except as the last resort for establishing peace, modern poets have often ignored the inhumanities of our century--save for those like Pound whose totalitarianism abetted the brutalizing of millions of innocents and the early Auden who approved "the necessary murder." Here at the end of the twentieth century when humankind still stands technologically capable of destroying much of the vast expanse of the globe and much, though not all, of its population, here when a more trustworthy political form has yet to be securely established to channel the will of the citizens of the international community, epopee must again take account of the social domain and mans earthly journey through these immense atrocities. For by faithfully treading the dark way of horror, by weighing the modern loss of belief, humankind may begin to regain the path in the twenty-first century, and, like Dantes persona, attain the highest summit of peace and glory.
 


 
Poetry of Ryuichi Tamura (Poetry of Ryuichi Tamura) by Ryuichi Tamura
 
 
 

Vanishing.... October 12, 2000
For Japan and its writers, the modern darkness deepens during the period of military fascism and World War II. With the defeat and unconditional surrender, immense shock waves rocked the entire culture calling into question the pseudo-Shinto and Confucian values Japan had based its society on for almost a century. As writers returned from one front or another of the war, they found a Japan devastated by the Allied bombing. Maebashi, for instance, where I lived for a few years, was reduced to rubble along with its bridges. Before long, the entire country was restructured by the Occupation. Japanese writers now understood much more deeply the experience of the Western World War I generation. Better than any other postwar poet, Tamura Ryuichi (1923-) registers, since his own hometown in the suburbs of Tokyo no longer existed, the shock and disorientation of the modern Japanese psyche. Briefly a student of Hagiwara Sakutaro, Tamura had little interest in classical Japanese poetry, which emphasized the unity of man and nature, but read widely in Western literature and was especially influenced by T. S. Eliot, Steven Spender, C. Day Lewis, and W. H. Auden, whom Tamura eventually met in New York in 1971. In a literary magazine called Arechi or "wasteland," Tamura and other postwar poets gave voice to the despair and horror they felt, unequivocally stating, in an early manifesto, "The present is a wasteland." The first poem in which Tamura finds his true voice and distance from his material is the prose poem "Etching," published in 1956:

Now he sees a landscape he saw in a German etching it appears to be an aerial view of an ancient city between twilight and darkness or a realistic drawing of a modern-day cliff being taken from midnight toward dawn This man the one I began to describe killed his father when he was young that autumn his mother went beautifully insane (tr. Christopher Drake)

The critic Ikuko Atsumi has said of this poem that it aims at a universal vision of East and West, ancient and modern. The extreme nationalism of the Japanese fascists now defeated, the "he" can view the fullness or "landscape" of Western culture, specifically German, declining into "darkness" or rising as "a modern-day cliff," ominous, dehumanized, marked by loss and angst. Atsumi suggests the father "possibly refers to the emperor system in Japan, and the mother he made beautifully insane to Japans aesthetic consciousness." Like the West, the East too descended into a wasteland of madness and violence, the ancient now discredited and rendered nugatory. This is the "Etching" come to light, etched into Tamuras consciousness and all postwar Japanese writers of worth. Blending together the perspective of the subjective "I" and objective "he," aware of the horror, Tamura introduces into Japanese poetry a voice of detachment, observing life outside his own personal existence with meditative restraint, seeking a deeper understanding of modern human experience.

Having known and read Tamuras work for more than fifteen years, I have often thought of him as akin somehow to Robert Lowell. He has a memory of Japans past that he never idealizes, but works with and probes it, pondering always without sentimentality the modern and by-gone days. Like Lowell and so many postmodern Western poets, Tamura also goes through a time of fairly formalistic writing, but he seems to outgrow it and returns to engaging universal experience outside his own little personal consciousness. Many other Japanese poets, as in the United States, are still stuck in such solipsism. Saigyo and Basho both believed poetry must consider the transcendent and involve conceptual knowledge outside the self, not merely aesthetic formalism. As late as 1982, in what is one of his greatest poems, "Spiral Cliff," Tamura looks soberly at modern world history. After the speaker reflects on a photograph of a deer "falling off a cliff" and wonders "whats after it," he says,

Our century ends without decadence/ after the night and fog of Nazi gas chambers/ after Soviet forced labor camps/ after two U.S. atomic bombs on Japan/ theres no thrill left in killing,/ no fear of the soul, no crime in adultery. . . .

In "our century," the values requisite for perceiving and defining "decadence" have disappeared, "crime and evil disconnected," all restraining sense of the soul lost. As a result, unimaginable horror has been perpetrated in every region of the globe on an appalling scale affecting both the social and individual realms. Like a roller coaster, "our century ends on pure speed." Recalling the photo of the deer, he thinks,

Im afraid of high places/ the cliff in me/ am I the hunter/ or the prey?

The "high places" are both those of earlier mentioned "boardrooms / of huge corporations," East and West, in a manner reminiscent of Kaneko Mitsuharus Book of Mud, and the "modern-day cliff" of confusion, now "the cliff in me." The ambiguity of the question "am I the hunter / or the prey?" acknowledges the complexity of modern life where all are somehow complicitous in human tragedy. Terrified by "blank paper," by "what dreams will live and die there," Tamura accepts the writers obligation to struggle for values worthy of all human beings, not just Japanese.

Next in dream half nightmare, he sees his own inner cliff protruding "between dreams / spiraling" down. Waking in the dawn, lying horizontally across the bed, he reads the morning newspaper full of massacre and civil war:

Vanishing/ cliff dream/ vertical dream/ elementally/ Gone

All the dreams have vanished as off the edge of a cliff. Vertical dreams have been replaced by the horizontal, exactly the information that fills the newspaper. Like the best of modern writers, Auden or Lowell, Tamura has the honesty and strength of intellect and spirit to recognize it is all "gone." I believe his vision of modern life and Japan is true, for it has been my own experience, lived not only in Japan but also in the United States, where "without decadence" the culture sinks to ever more dehumanized levels of violence, depravity, and social fragmentation. The importance of Tamuras poetry has not been sufficiently recognized in the West, nor in Japan.


 


 
Rats Nests: The Collected Poetry of Hagiwara Sakutaro (Translations of Modern Japanese Poetry Series) by Hagiwara Sakutaro
 
 
 
 

In Front of the Bridge.... October 1, 2000
By the end of the nineteenth century, several anthologies of Western literature had been translated and published introducing Japanese writers to a variety of new literary styles and genres. After a long and natural period of imitation and derivative writing, as a result of the fresh exposure to the outside world, Japan, deeply affected by its centuries of sakoku or forced isolation, produced its first truly modern poet in Hagiwara Sakutaro (1886-1942). Born northwest of Tokyo in Maebashi, "in front of the bridge," at the center of Japan, Hagiwara made himself into a Japanese Baudelaire, writing in an at times obscure symbolist free verse, in the colloquial tongue, about alcoholics, bars, squalid love, and sin. He also acknowledged Poe, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Dostoevski as Western writers who were important to him, while an heir of the lyrics of Saigyo and Basho. Hagiwara has been commonly recognized by Japanese critics as the most important modern Japanese poet since the publication of his first book of poems in 1917, Howling at the Moon, which he wrote in provincial Maebashi, often longing for life in Tokyo where he did at times live. In "Sad Moonlit Night," Hagiwara gives voice to his sense of life in modern Japan, after hearing a dog howling on a wharf: A damned thief dog is howling at the moon above the rotting wharf. A soul listens, and in gloomy voices, yellow daughters are singing in chorus, singing in chorus, on the wharfs dark stonework.

Always, why am I like this, dog, pale unhappy dog? (tr. Hiroaki Sato)

The symbolic moon of Saigyo no longer reflects transcendence but misery, alienation, self-pity, and despair, a psyche as distressed as the "damned" dog. Hagiwara is painfully conscious that something is lacking in or has gone wrong with "the rotting wharf" of modern life. At the end of the poem, identifying not with the moon but with the howling dog, he further projects his own feelings of loneliness and unhappiness and ponders the nature of the modern self, lost and restlessly struggling in the same malaise as the West. In 1925 Hagiwara published a collection of poems that includes "Owatari Bridge," which I quote in full. The Japanese poet and critic Miyoshi Tatsuji wrote about this poem that "It is not only the jewel among Hagiwara Sakutaros poems, but a masterpiece that occupies a prominent place among the countless poems written since shintaishi [new style poetry] became free verse":

The long bridge theyve erected here No doubt goes from lonely Sosha village straight to Maebashi town. Crossing the bridge I sense desolation pass through me. Carts go by loaded with goods, men leading the horses. And restless, nagging bicycles. When I cross this long bridge Twilight hunger stabs me.

Ahh--to be in your native place and not go home! Ive suffered to the full griefs that sting like salt. I grow old in solitude. How to describe the fierce anger today over bitter memories? I will tear up my miserable writings And throw every scrap into the onrushing Tone River. I am famished as a wolf. Again and again I clutch at the railing, grind my teeth,

But it does no good: something like tears spills out, Flows down my cheeks, unstanched. Ahh--how contemptible I have been all along! Past me go carts loaded with goods, men leading the horses. This day, when everything is cold, the sky darkens over the plain. (tr. Donald Keene)

Having lived for a year and a half in Maebashi, where I taught at Gunma University, I cannot read this poem without stirring up my deepest emotions. While it is true that Maebashi is a provincial town, since everything of cultural importance to most Japanese takes place in Tokyo, I cant share Hagiwaras bitter feelings. I have many warm memories of Maebashi which is now surely less isolated than during Hagiwaras lifetime, or even when I was there. Almost daily I saw the cemetery of the Buddhist Shojun temple where Hagiwaras remains are buried. It was while I was living in Maebashi that I first forced myself to read Baudelaire and recall reading him on the express train from nearby Takasaki to Tokyo. Crossing the Tone River on its bridges at least a couple of times a week, I enjoyed the sight of fishermen in rubber waders fly casting, the bridge crowded with bicycles, often children on their way to school. Hagiwaras poem "Owatari Bridge" impresses deeply upon me how the state of the consciousness of the individual poet affects perception. Accepting the decadent clichs of the pote maudit of modern Western literature, Hagiwara chose to view life through tainted, distorting lenses. Standing between express cars, rocking along between Maebashi and Tokyo, I knew Baudelaires vision of life, though true in terms of social change and loss, was essentially unhealthy, the product of a sick mind. Modern life in Maebashi helped me to understand that. Unfortunately, Hagiwara never learnt that lesson but ended his ever-darkening life, as he put it, "in the shadow of the hazy landscape of Nihilism," writing poems heavily influenced by Nietzsche while militarism took over his country.