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| Church and State: A
Postmodern Political Theology. |
| Sen McGlinn.
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| University of Leiden,
2005. 432 pages. |
| Reviewed 12-19-07. |
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In light of
the Haifan Universal House of Justice having declared Sen
McGlinn a kafir, infidel, shortly after the 2005 publication
of Church and State, the book resonates with many unintended
ironies and contradictions. Written in hope of recasting,
reformulating, reinterpreting, refocusing, and
rethinking the contemporary popular Bahai understanding of
Bahaullahs Teachings, Sen McGlinn has been thrown into the
role of heretical Bahai theologian, denounced and
excommunicated, tossed out of the church he had hoped to save
from its own gross ignorance, Philistinism,
anti-intellectualism, and fanaticism.
It will be interesting to see if McGlinn learns from the
experience or is crushed by it. No greater test can be given an
intelligent soul. It either calls out of ones being an even
deeper engagement with evil and truth, a struggle for clarity
and understanding, or it destroys the fragile foundations of the
self, exposing the shallowness of the structure one has built
on. If I am not wrong, McGlinn has resources he has only begun
to call upon. Nothing could prove his thesis more than the
reactionary attack of the corrupt, decadent, and fraudulent
universal house of justice.
Setting aside what he himself realizes is a tedious academic
literature review of Islamic and Bahai sources on the relations
of church and state and blind belief in theocracy, giving the
benighted sources way too much attention, McGlinn presents, as a
Bahai theologian, not a historian or apologist, the first
glimmer of a deeply considered vision of Bahaullahs Faith in
the post-modern world. Far from a simplistic fanatical rejection
of Enlightenment values, McGlinn defends their worth and
realizes that, on the deepest spiritual level, so did
BahaullahHe Himself teaches that the separation of church and
state is the way things should be, is Gods Will, and not
something to be overturned and supplanted with a despicable
theocracy of one sort or anotherChristian, Islamic, Bahai, or
whateverworldly power and coercion should be in the hands of
those pragmatists who live with two feet on the ground and are
not tempted by religious visions of spiritual utopias and New
Jerusalems descending upon the earth at any cost. No wonder the
organization based upon a spurious will and testament has
pronounced his ideas and book takfir, anathema. He has gone
deeper into Bahaullahs Teachings than they can ever hope to
reach.
In a key passage of the book, McGlinn writes,
What is needed is not simply to recast Bahai thought in
contemporary terms, or to hold the theological thinking of the
Bahais up for critical examination in the light of Bahai
scripture . . . but rather to drag Bahai thinking bodily from
one world-view into the next. We can scarcely understand, now,
the extent to which the Christians of the second and third
centuries saw their religion in terms set by the shape of Roman
society and the Roman state. If we do focus on that, we also see
the magnitude of the transition initiated by Augustines
theology, in disentangling the Christian religion from outdated
suppositions about society (10).
The historical sweep of McGlinns vision is truly awe-inspiring.
He alludes elsewhere to Plato and Ibn Farabi. I wish he would
have discussed Ibn Khaldun, instead of merely relegating him to
the bibliography, since he understood so profoundly the extent
to which Islam had departed from its early beginnings and had
been transformed into a separation of the practical control of
the state under royal princes. Ibn Khaldun is the locus
classicus of that realization about Islam. Analogously, McGlinn
sets his entire discussion in a context and at a level that
addresses the postmodern dilemmas that confront world
civilization in our age and articulates a persuasive argument
that Bahaullah can only be properly understood from such a
vantage point, as a prophet of post-modernity, laying the
foundation and rationale for a new stage of human evolution and
civilization, material, political, and spiritual. Elsewhere, in
his article Bahai Meets Globalisation, McGlinn states it
quite directly, Bahaullah must be re-envisioned as the
prophet of post-modernity (14).
McGlinns discussion of Postmodernism is unsatisfyingly brief,
perhaps a reflection of the paucity of his own knowledge and
omnipresent Bahai Philistinism, but, in a sketchy way,
demonstrates his understanding of the issues involved, including
the literary and philosophical dimensions of the underlying
spiritual and religious disruptions and upheavals. Reading a
book written by a Bahai scholar, one cant expect much when it
comes to culture. Im accustomed to and prefer Postmodernism in
literary terms, its most consciously articulate and allusive
form.
Part of his discussion draws from sociological studies of
globalization and technology, which emphasize the
differentiation and individualization of modern life,
producing, in Enlightenment terms, pluralism and relativism, all
of which gives a much needed fresh, intelligent context for
discussions of the Bahai Teachings, and a vastly more compelling
framework within which to understand the world we live in, of
lasting pluralism, contrasted with the current unthinking
fundamentalism of the current Haifan denomination, for whom
Bahaullahs writings have become a static, literal, unchanging
fossil that they seek to cram into the now empty socket where
religion belongs, the socket of their antiquated conception
of a new world order, merely imitating past dispensations,
imagining their assumed infallibility enables them to know
better than Bahaullah.
Nothing could prove how wrong such benighted doctrinaire
fanaticism is than its treatment of such an intelligent,
outstanding mind as Sen McGlinn. One only need recall the
similar witch hunts and expulsions of Juan Cole of the
University of Michigan, Linda and John Walbridge of Indiana
University, Denis MacEoin of England, and other gifted scholars
and writers. The corruption runs, though, much deeper than
McGlinn even realizes. Theres a naivete to many of his
comments. His courting a particularly bigoted and fanatical
Bahai pseudo-scholar, a few times in the book, cannot appear as
anything but ridiculously misconceived, all the more so given
her subsequent hatchet job on his work, the only thing shes
capable of writing.
From such a perspective, Church and State presents a sad
spectacle. He clearly is trying to reform and renew the
intellectual and spiritual stagnation the Bahai Faith has
fallen into, but it is while courting Torquemada, without having
the courage to confront the inquisitor and tyrant. Torquemada
demonstrates no such scruples about Sen McGlinn. Many souls died
on the rack. Few, like Martin Luther, understood that the
unmitigated corruption revealed a disease so evil as to require
a more profound engagement with the issues involved, a return
to, and renewal of, its deepest principles, to truly re-invent
itself. McGlinn has rightly understood those principles, as
Bahaullah did, in terms of globablisation, to offer itself as
a means of giving meaning to a post-modern society. Similarly,
McGlinn realizes the theocratic interpretation is wrong and a
complete departure from Bahaullah. Whether he will have the
strength to allow himself to acknowledge that the root of the
problem is the fraudulent will and testament of Abdul-Baha, and
almost everything produced by it, remains to be seen. His many
quotations of Shoghi Effendi may indicate hell never be able to
regain an independent Bahai perspective that would allow him to
search out the truth for himself and to return to the actual
writings and teachings of Abdul-Baha and His Covenant, as well
as acknowledge Abdul-Baha repeatedly taught, in a sense
difficult to understand, that The Bahai Movement is not an
organization..
Souls can be crushed by suffering, by coming up against
challenges to their inmost beliefs and sense of being, of
identity. Some cravenly kiss the hand that whipped them, the
dream of every tyrant. Many, if not most, go down or walk away
from such ultimate confrontations and struggles for
understanding and belief. Whatever the outcome for McGlinns own
personal spiritual battles, and whether he breaks through to new
and deeper insights, he has broken new ground for Bahais who
have already learned from their experiences and have moved on to
truly Reform and renew Bahaullahs Faith in the globalized
world of post-modernity.
I agree with McGlinns evaluation of the ecumenical role of the
Mashriqul-Adkar or Bahai House of Worship, in this book and his
articles. Bahaullah and Abdul-Baha teach that it should be
open to all people for prayer and worship, not merely Bahais,
and the social, educational, medical, and economic dependencies
and charities related to it are crucial to both community growth
and the transformation of global society. McGlinn explains,
quoting Abdul-Baha:
Religious and cultural pluralism is here to stay and will
increase, because of mobility, individual choice, and the fact
that successful modern states cannot have a religious policy.
The project of the Mashriqul-Adhkar is to create an ecumenical
devotional sphere, not bound to a particular doctrinal system,
and open to a variety of popular devotion: In brief, the
purpose of places of worship . . . is simply that of unity . . .
that is why His Holiness Bahaullah has commanded that a place
be built for all the religionists of the world; that all
religions and races and sects may gather together; that the
Oneness of the human world may be proclaimed.
. . . In the modern world, the progression from a sectarian role
to a religion informing society and providing religious services
to all societya church in the Weberian sensecan be achieved
not by winning state patronage but by developing devotional,
aesthetic and intellectual forms that sustain and are sustained
by the diversity of popular religious feeling in a pluralist
society (143).
Much has been damaged and lost by setting aside Abdul-Bahas
unifying vision for the theocratic temptation, relegating people
to the paternalism of the derisive rank and file and popular
devotion.
God creates both the individual and the community, and neither
truly exists without the other, especially in a globalized
society:
Globalisation is a dynamic package in which individualisation is
the underlying drive, and functional differentiation (including
the separation of church and state), feminisation, global
integration, pluralism and relativism are the results. This is
in effect a new world, entailing a new principle of individual
identity, and the transition places great demands on
individuals capacity to adapt (144).
The House of Worship is more than a Bahai mosque or church. A
whole new conception of sacred, religious space is required to
understand it. After God, the individual stands at its center,
independently seeking truth, in unity with humanity, not merely
other believers.
McGlinn rightly argues it is the role of religion, in
Bahaullahs postmodern conception of the relation of church
and state, that carries the responsibility for inculcating
morality and virtue into the individual and community. The
problem of how to instill altruism to resist extremely
self-serving individualism and license stems from the very
beginning of the Enlightenment and modernity, with the
separation of the state from the church in the late 1700s, with
the philosophes, Voltaire, Rousseau, and other writers. The best
social thinkers of our own time have struggled with the
reverberations of that problem, Christopher Lasch, Robert Bellah,
and Gertrude Himmelfarb, to name a few. Bahaullah preserves
that separation as the Will of God, making it a religious duty
to support and participate in a just government, delegating the
cultivation of virtue into the hearts of men to his followers
and to all religions. Religion and state complement one another
in an unprecedented balance in human religious history, instead
of a destructive contest convulsing society, though religion
retains the duty to critique government, in service to virtue,
humanity, and God. It is not enough for religion to say all
this; it must prove it. The currently dominant interpretation of
the Bahai Faith hasnt done too well in this regard. Mirza Ahmad
Sohrab realized in his courageous book Broken Silence that the
Bahai organization under Shoghi Effendi had become corrupt and
destructive of the spiritual life and independence of the
individual, seeking to strip the soul of the freedom of
conscience and the gift of the will with which God has endowed
human beings. Shades of Dostoyevsky.
McGlinns Church and State might have benefitted from his
pondering this passage from Ibn Khalduns An Introduction to
History, of 1377, echoing, I would say, Platos Republic:
All this has its origin in group feeling. Luxury wears out
royal authority and overthrows it. Eventually, a great change
takes place in the world, such as the transformation of a
religion, or the disappearance of a civilization, or something
else willed by the power of God. Then, royal authority is
transferred from one group to anotherto the one God permits to
effect that change.
Such a transformation of a religion has been long under way
for the Bahai Faith, not only postmodern society and Western
civilization. The dominant group-feeling of the Haifans began
to sink into luxury with the passing of Abdul-Baha and the
imposition of the falsified will and testament, leading to many
mistakes and excesses, not the least of which was the inhuman
destruction of families by requiring husbands and wives and
children to shun one another over doctrinal absurdities. Many
tens of thousands of Bahais realize there is something extremely
unloving and wrong about the naked royal emperor; many have been
driven out like McGlinn, for possessing a brain and soul; many
others are waiting, looking, searching for the Will of God, for
the Bahai theologian who can help them understand His Will. Sen
McGlinn has earned the honor of possibly being the first Bahai
worthy of the role. As has often been observed, intellectual,
spiritual, and cultural history is strewn with examples of
scholars and writers merely laying a brick or two in the
foundation of the next generation. No small achievement in
itself, but not the lofty edifice.
McGlinns intelligent though flawed book should help seeking
souls in their quest for a world beyond the postmodern, offering
a way to understand Bahaullahs lasting pluralism in a
global world of multiplicity, where religion is the mirror of
individual distinctiveness, not of collective identity.
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| Thomas Sowell,
Black Rednecks and White Liberals. Encounter Books, 2005. |
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The approval
by voters of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative corroborates
Thomas Sowells observation in his Preface to the book,
referring to a growing willingness to consider views that
differ from the racial orthodoxy that has prevailed largely
unchallenged from the 1960s onward in intellectual circles and
in the popular media. The education, government, business, and
media elites of Michigan all banded together to hammer into the
population the same old tiresome racial orthodoxy, to no avail.
The people had had over forty years of it, experienced it in
lived life, and would have no more of it. By an overwhelming
fifty-eight percent, they voted to change direction, try
something different from the orthodoxy of the liberal elites.
Thomas Sowells book Black Rednecks and White Liberals
suggests further lines for reconsideration and change.
In this context, I believe the most interesting essays in the
book are The Real History of Slavery and Black Education:
Achievements, Myths and Tragedies. Rejecting the Kunte Kinte
view of slavery found in Alex Haleys Roots, Sowell
emphasizes that slavery was a worldwide phenomenon
practiced by virtually all peoples and nations, not at all
exclusively by white Western nations. Sowell perceives why the
contemporary discussion of slavery is usually so distorted:
Why would anyone wish to arbitrarily understate an evil that
plagued mankind for thousands of years, unless it was not this
evil itself that was the real concern, but rather the
present-day uses of that historic evil? Clearly, the ability to
score ideological points against American society or Western
civilization, or to induce guilt and thereby extract benefits
from the white population today, are greatly enhanced by making
enslavement appear to be a peculiarly American, or a peculiarly
white, crime (111).
All of this feeds directly into the radical politics of
affirmative action racial preferences. It skews our
understanding of the real historical evils of slavery and
substitutes emotional Hollywood distortions for the complexity
of human experience.
Narrowing the history of slavery from the long record reaching
back over three thousands years, in Europe, Africa, China,
India, every region of the world, it was nevertheless only the
Western world that developed moral compunctions against slavery
and launched a bitter worldwide struggle, which lasted more
than a century, to destroy the elaborate systems and
institutions for the ownership and sale of human beings (114).
Of particular interest is Sowells discussion of slavery under
Islamic societies, in North Africa and elsewhere, which enslaved
far more people than were ever brought to the Western
hemisphere. Cervantes in Don Quixote has an incredible
account of his five-year enslavement after the battle of Lepanto
in 1571. Sowells discussion throws interesting light on the
conditions to which European and African slaves found themselves
subjected. Many millions of Europeans and Africans were enslaved
over the centuries in Islamic countries, facts that ought to be
studied much more after 9/11.
Similarly, Sowell emphasizes it was black tribal leaders who
practiced slavery before, during, and after the white man
arrived (120). Connecting the real history of slavery with its
distorted uses by those who today want to fight for racial
spoils, Sowell writes,
Yet what was peculiar about the West was not that it
participated in the worldwide evil of slavery, but that it later
abolished that evil, not only in Western societies but also in
other societies subject to Western control or influence. This
was possible only because the anti-slavery movement coincided
with an era in which Western power and hegemony were at their
zenith, so that it was essentially European imperialism which
ended slavery. This idea might seem shocking, not because it
does not fit the facts, but because it does not fit the
prevailing vision of our time (134-135).
Visions hang on beyond their time, beyond their usefulness, such
has been the case with racial preferences, which are predicated
on a distorted sense of actual historical slavery. By addressing
the real history of slavery, Sowell restores the proper
perspective needed to come to terms with the complexity of
American slavery and the perspective needed to find new ways to
work together today. He observes at one point Africans did not
treat Europeans any better than Europeans treated Africans.
Neither can be exempted from moral condemnation applied to the
other (139). If Michigan is seeking a new understanding of
equality, one place to begin might be to realize, as Sowell says
elsewhere, the prevailing vision of slavery of the morally
self-anointed is wrong. To find a new future, we must recognize
our understanding of the past is flawed, reconsider its
complexity, understand no one is blameless, and move forward
together.
In Black Education: Achievements, Myths and Tragedies, Sowell
reconsiders the prevailing vision of the actual history of black
education and demonstrates that it too is much different from
the skewed account so many politically motivated radicals and
liberals use to justify failed educational programs and
policies:
The quest for esoteric methods of trying to educate black
children proceeds as if such children had never been
successfully educated before, when in fact there are concrete
examples, both from history and from our own times, of schools
that have been successful in educating black children, including
those from low-income families. Yet the prevailing educational
dogma is that you simply cannot expect children who are not
middle class to do well on standardized tests, for all sorts of
sociological and psychological reasons (203).
Sowell further states that this dogma is false for both black
and other minority children and discusses a number of
outstanding schools reaching from after the Civil War to the
present, such as the M Street School, later to become known as
Dunbar High School in Washington, DC.
After a long survey of these and other schools, Sowell writes,
What the record of successful minority schools shows, both in
history and among contemporary schools, is that educational
achievement is not foredoomed by economic or social
circumstances beyond the school grounds, as the education
establishment constantly strives to prove. Poverty, broken
homes, and unruly environments are not to be ignored, downplayed
or apologized for. But neither are the failings of others proof
that the education establishment is doing its job right. Perfect
students with perfect parents in a perfect society cannot learn
things that they are not being taughtand that includes an
increasing number of basic things in our public schools (217).
While the howls of protest to this passage might be the usual
ones from the education establishment, I would argue his stress
on working with students where they are and expecting work and
discipline (221) from them is a no-nonsense approach that ought
to be tried more often than not, instead of the latest pitying,
enabling, undermining educational theory that asks little or
nothing of kids and gets little or nothing in return. Higher
expectations of their families, whether single parent or not,
ought to play a part, though Sowell dismisses the idea that
without parental involvement there is no hope for the child,
insisting that the individual student can take charge of his or
her life and achieve despite the family situation.
Excoriating the victimhood approach to education, Sowell laments
that the history of successful black schools has attracted
virtually no interest from either historians or educators. That
history does not advance any contemporary political agenda,
though it might help advance the education of a whole generation
of black students (225). Far from blaming all educational
problems of black students on racism, the usual liberal
scapegoat, Sowell has no patience with such facile excuses and
lays the blame squarely on the students themselves: By and
large, black students do not work as hard as white students,
much less Asian students (228). He goes on to blame a culture
of non-achievement, comparing it to red-neck and lower-class
whites and Asians who suffer from the same counterproductive
attitudes toward education which are just as self-defeating.
Failure is not restricted to any particular pigmentation or
race, nor are the real reasons for such failure always unique to
any particular race.
In a fine section of this chapter on education, Sowell
highlights the views of Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du
Bois, documenting that their attitudes on educational
expectations and other matters were much closer than the common
politicized opinion today would have it. The necessary resources
and exemplary individuals run rife throughout black history and
experience. I would argue what is needed is for more people to
hear and respect such scholars as Thomas Sowell, learn from
them, and work together to chart a new path together into the
future.
In his conclusion Sowell essentially challenges educational
leaders and students to work harder and abandon the
counterproductive notion that seeking educational excellence is
acting white (244). He ends his essay on black education in a
way that calls to mind Bill Cosbys recent addresses wherein
Cosby has said more studies are not needed. The problems are
known. The black community is in crisis and needs to take
action:Despite the heartening achievements of some black schools,
which have repeatedly demonstrated what is possible even with
children from low-income backgrounds, the general picture of the
education of black students is bleak. Much of what is saidand
not saidabout the education of black students reflects the
political context, rather than the educational facts. Whites
walk on eggshells for fear of being called racists, while many
blacks are preoccupied with protecting the image of black
students, rather than protecting their future by telling the
blunt truth. It is understandable that some people are concerned
about image, about what in private life might be expressed as:
What will the neighbors think? But, when your children are
dying, you dont worry about what the neighbors think (245).
Though bleak, attitudes are changing, will continue to change,
will, as Ward Connerly has remarked, take time to change,
creating a new climate of expectations and performance, on all
sides. The passage of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative
registers such change. Neighbors of goodwill do exist, are
distressed, worried, and concerned, willing to help, where they
can, if allowed. It needs to be said much more often that 14% of
black voters approved the proposal. They are people who want
much of what Sowell discusses in terms of education for their
children and community. These two essays ought to be read by
anyone serious about assessing where we are after the passage of
the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative, and where, together, we
are all going from here. |
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| Juan Williams,
Enough: The Phony Leaders, Dead-End Movements, and Culture of
Failure that are Undermining Black Americaand What We Can Do
About It. Crown, New York. 2006. |
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The major
shortcoming of Juan Williams book is that he doesnt go far
enough. But more of that later. It should first be said that
he goes very far indeed, saying much that has needed to be said
for years, if not decades. No mean achievement. The subtitle
itself sets out much of the structure of the book: The Phony
Leaders, Dead-End Movements, and Culture of Failure that are
Undermining Black Americaand What We Can Do About It.
Williams discussion is built around Bill Cosbys speech in 2004
on the fiftieth anniversary of the Supreme Courts decision in
Brown v. Board of Education, as well as Cosbys numerous
other talks throughout the country since then, including
Detroit.
Williams laments the lack of any real leaders in the black
community in the tradition of Frederick Douglass, Booker T.
Washington, W. E. B. Dubois, and Martin Luther King, Jr., all of
whom in Williams view shared a commitment to black
self-reliance and self-determination:
In its place is a tired rant by civil rights leaders about the
power of white peoplewhat white people have done wrong, what
white people didnt do, and what white people should do. This
rant puts black people in the role of hapless victims waiting
for only one thingwhite guilt to bail them out (32).
He lambasts both Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton as never having
really accomplished much, in a way similar to John McWhorters
scathing reference to black theatrics. Returning often to Bill
Cosbys speeches, concurring with Cosby, Williams states, At
some point, people have to take a personal accounting, turn away
from any self-defeating behavior, and be sure they are doing
everything in their power to put their families and their
communities in a position to prosper and advance (43). Jackson
and Sharpton have slowed the emergence of any new model of
national black political leadership (47). Juan Williams never
suggests that Bill Cosby is in a sense the modelCosby himself
has repeatedly stated hes an entertainer, not a leader, but
merely someone sick and tired of it all and speaking out to wake
people up to how bad things really are. Williams book goes a
long way towards helping people do just that by facing the
unpleasant facts.
Some of those facts include the diversion of attention and
resources from the truly pressing needs of the black community
to a futile fight for reparations for slavery. The chapter title
says it all: The Reparations Mirage.
In a chapter on education, Juan Williams frames his discussion
with Cosbys provocative challenge, What the hell good is
Brown v. Board of Education if nobody wants it? The dismal
statistic of a 50 percent black drop out rate from high school,
the best students pilloried as acting white, behavior way out
of control, and so on, all adds up to deep and endemic crisis
for young black people and the community. Cosby, Williams, and
others are to be applauded for caring enough about the students
themselves that they have publicly confronted and discussed what
the issues really are, unlike those who, as Cosby cuts to the
quick, are worried they would lose their gig. Indeed, there
are black leaders and school officials who deserve to, and
should, lose their gig, for the sake of the children and the
future good of the black community.
On the national level in regard to black crime, Juan Williams
similarly asserts there has been a failure of leadership:
Never a word was spoken about the need for black Americans to
take up their own war on drugs and on crime as a matter of
personal responsibility.... All the silence could not blind
anyone to the neon lights flashing sad facts about the severity
of black crime. By 2004 federal data showed that black
Americans13 percent of the populationaccounted for 37 percent
of the violent crimes, 54 percent of arrests for robbery, and 51
percent of murders. Most of the victims of these violent
criminals were their fellow black people. This legitimate fear
of violent crime by black people spread into every corner of the
nation (116).
To these sad facts, Cosby and Williams rightly emphasize the
utter crisis that confronts black America, all of America, and
the need to wake up, take personal responsibility, and begin at
the most basic level of society, with rebuilding the black
family and community, citing the past in about 1950 when 78% of
black children were raised in two-parent homes, compared to
today with approximately only 34%. Williams also repeatedly
emphasizes Cosbys other major points, education and hard work,
giving many inspiring examples.
Part of that rebuilding involves confronting the glorification
of violence and sex in hip-hop and rap music and videos.
Increasingly widely criticized, and justly, by many people,
black and otherwise, for the misogyny and demeaning portrayals
and exploitation of women, Williams discusses a number of
disturbing and shocking incidents and rappers, highlighting that
again black leaders, by failing to speak out and condemn the
corruption of rap for all these years has resulted in real
damage to the most vulnerable of black Americapoor children,
boys and girls, often from broken homes (133).
Throughout his book, Juan Williams demonstrates a firm command
of the history of black people in America, the heroic struggle
for freedom and dignity. Bringing it alive for black people
today, he shows how black history is indeed relevant to the
current problems of phony leadership and community crisis. He
seems to be saying the resources are there in the past and in
the people; we need to do a better job of drawing on the best
and striving to live up to it; we need leaders who can set the
right standards, point us in the right direction, and demand we
struggle for the mountain top.
My only misgiving with his book is that he seems studiously to
avoid the subject of affirmative action, which I believe is a
significant part of the problem, undermining self-determination
and providing false excuses for failure or the lack of personal
development. Unlike John McWhorter who directly takes on
affirmative action, Williams may feel its best just to discuss
the need for personal and community responsibility, cultural
improvement.
I would argue the psychological chains binding the wrists of the
black community must be cut, if any true progress is to be made.
After all, the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative (MCRI), up for a
vote in the very same year Williams publishes his book, will
almost certainly pass and quite probably help further lead to a
nationwide end of racial preference. Williams ignores the entire
issue. It seems to me that Ward Connerly, Shelby Steele, Thomas
Sowell, and others are more perceptive in this regard, kicking
the destructive, misbegotten crutch away. But for anyone
interested in an insightful survey and analysis of the issues
that will remain and must be confronted on November 8th, Juan
Williams Enough may be one of the best place to begin. |
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The Vendor of Sweets (Penguin Twentieth-Century
Classics) by R. K. Narayan |
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Indias Kali Yuga.... December 21, 2000 The novelist R. K. Narayan (1906-) was born into a
Tamil-speaking, Brahmin family. For several years he
attended Christian schools in Madras, where he was
raised by his grandmother, a devout Hindu who taught him
the traditional songs and prayers. His fiction often
presents a persona who undergoes a crisis that drives
him back in some way to a resolution suffused with an
evocation of the Hindu past. Often portrayed as a simple
pious Hindu, R. M. Varma, of the University of Jodhpur,
more insightfully observes, "Cultural ambivalence is a
marked characteristic of Narayans fictional technique
and he hovers between his Hindu faith and lack of it. He
merely uses it as a landscape in his fiction."
In his brilliant The Vendor of Sweets (1967), Narayan
presents a character named Jagan who owns a small shop
that sells sweetmeats. Presented as somewhat of a
religious crank, he is a follower of Gandhi who still
works his spinning wheel and sits in his shop reading
the Bhagavad Gita in between customers. Jagan lives in
an idealized traditional India of long ago incongruously
conflated with the modern present.
Jagans only son Mali fully lives in the modern
world, not only of India but of America as well.
Dropping out of college, as Jagan had as a young man out
of misconstrued loyalty to Gandhi, Mali, without
consulting with his father, enrolls in a creative
writing program in Michigan and helps himself to Jagans
attic stash of rupees in order to pay his expenses.
Narayan consistently portrays Mali as a son who has lost
all the traditional Hindu virtues while Jagan spoils him
and makes excuses for him.
After three years in America Jagan abruptly receives
a cable announcing Malis return with "another person"
whom upon arrival at the train station he introduces as
his wife, Grace. Jagan suffers a severe shock. His son
has not only gone to America, where he in fact does
begin to eat beef, but married there without informing
his family. Further disoriented because the girl is a
Korean-American, Jagan thinks she is Chinese and
reflects, "Dont you know that one cant marry a Chinese
nowadays? They have invaded our borders. . . ." Having
stopped reading the Bhagavad Gita while receiving
letters he believed were from Mali in America, but were
actually from Grace, Jagan starts reading it "becoming
mentally disturbed once again." Narayan subtly
dramatizes his reading of the Gita as linked to his
disturbed relationship with his son and thereby with
modern India. Before long Grace, his new
daughter-in-law, begins to take charge of the house and
care for Jagan, his wife having died while Mali was in
America. Soon she transforms the part of the
nineteenth-century house in which she and Mali live with
modern Western paintings and furnishings.
In one of the few revealing statements by Mali, "with
a gesture of disgust," he says to his father, "Oh, these
are not the days of your ancestors. Today we have to
compete with advanced countries not only in economics
and industry, but also in culture." Satirizing the trash
creative writing programs churn out in America, Narayan
underscores simultaneously the gulf between father and
son, traditional and modern.
Shock upon modern shock rolls over Jagan. His son not
only lived unmarried with a foreign woman of mixed
descent in his ancestral home but shamelessly concealed
it from his father. As Jagan explains to the cousin,
"Even my grandfathers brother, who was known to be
immoral, never did this sort of thing." His "dirtied"
home, "which had remained unsullied for generations, had
this new taint to carry." Since all of Jagans
traditional, conventional relations have already
"ostracized him" over the "beef-eating Christian girl
for a daughter-in-law," Jagan realizes they would
"remove themselves further" should they learn of the
"latest development." In a significant moment of
honesty, Jagan observes he "felt grateful for being an
outcast, for it absolved him from obligations as a
member of the family." Jagan sits in the dark by the Sir
Frederick Lawley statue, a relic from the British past,
and meditates on his own arranged marriage in a richly
embellished chapter that brilliantly evokes the
traditional marriage customs of the joint family system
in India and devastatingly insinuates the decayed state
of his own house and modern India.
Jagan awakens in the dawn from his night of memories,
fantasizing again of entering "a new janma." In regard
to the traditional ceremony marking a man turning sixty,
the narrator honestly concedes again that Jagan himself
"had had his fill of these festivals." In his own way,
the narrator frequently intimates, Jagan has picked over
and repudiated various customs from the past. So one
relative is imagined as saying how could the son Mali be
different with "a father like Jagan." Narayan suggests a
subtle, logical, and culminating connection of decline
between father and son.
The values of the Ramayana and other sacred texts
have no resonance for Mali. Jagan, lost and faltering,
unable to cope fully with the clash of his traditional
values with the modern world, resolves absurdly to
retreat across the river, taking his bank book with him,
after agreeing to pay for a lawyer for Mali and offering
an airline ticket for Grace to return to America: "Its
a duty we owe her."
V. S. Naipaul has remarked of Narayans The Vendor of
Sweets that it is "a novel in which his fictional world
is cracked open, its fragility finally revealed, and the
Hindu equilibrium . . . collapses into something like
despair." In his "On Alternative Modernities," Dilip
Parameshwar Gaonkar has similarly observed, "Everywhere,
at every national or cultural site, the struggle with
modernity is old and familiar." Narayan has so
thoroughly undermined and complicated Jagan with the
tensions of twentieth-century life, deep within the
structure of the narrative voice itself, only the most
shallow or tendentious reading can fail to perceive the
scathing critique of both the antedated and bankrupt,
traditional and modern, values of India and Western
civilization. |
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Unvanquished : A U.S. - U.N. Saga by Boutros
Boutros-Ghali |
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Global Tragedies of Our Own Making.... October
30, 2000 Ive often thought or returned to passages in Boutros
Boutros-Ghalis Unvanquished since reading it in the
early summer of 1999. Throughout the debate and defeat
of the CTBT, the charades over Congressional withholding
of funding to the UN, Jesse Helms appalling performance
before Security Council Members in January of 2000, my
attending the Millennium Forum as an accredited
participant at the UN in May 2000, watching and hoping
the requisite will might be found at the Millennium
Summit in September 2000, I have repeatedly found myself
recalling Boutros-Ghalis devastating critique of US
undermining of the United Nations, struggled to fight
off a pervasive sense of tragedy and lost opportunity,
lost since 1992 when Boutros-Ghalis Agenda for Peace
was shunted aside.
How many echos Ive heard from the couple of hundred
books Ive read on the League of Nations and United
Nations. How frightening it has been to watch my fellow
citizens so obsessed with their own little private,
selfish worlds, turning away from international
responsibilities and duties, scape-goating the UN for
our own failures and loss of nerve. During the last
year, Ive interviewed on over 230 radio stations about
my own book, Into the Ruins, on the UN, in my own terms,
and have heard firsthand all the extremist arguments
against the participation of my country in the
Organization, attempting to refute them as best I can.
There are many who understand the seriousness of the
situation. William H. Luers, the President of the UNA-USA,
writes a comprehensive appeal for UN support in his
"Choosing Engagement: Uniting the U.N. with U.S.
Interests" in the September/October 2000 issue of
Foreign Affairs. The UNA, World Federalist Association,
and others have done much to educate and elevate
discussion about the necessity of our global cooperation
through the United Nations. Alas, I often doubt, in the
end, such efforts will save the day. Boutros
Boutros-Ghalis Unvanquished reveals why. Having read
all the writings and memoirs of the UN Secretary
Generals, I believe Unvanquished stands alone as the
most insightful, courageous, heroic work ever written
about the realities of the United Nations and its Member
States, especially the US.
Having failed the League of Nations and themselves,
the global community rose from the ashes of World War II
to form a more perfect union. As the Millennium Summit
has recently demonstrated on paper, while most of the US
media ignored it, the Member States understand precisely
what needs to be done. Events already suggest they, we,
still lack the will and shall quite likely have to
suffer the dread forces of history in order to find it. |
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A Roadside Dog by Czeslaw Milosz |
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Antinomies.... October 24, 2000 In A Year of the Hunter, Czeslaw Milosz unequivocally
writes, "Poetrys separation from religion has always
strengthened my conviction that the erosion of the
cosmic-religious imagination is not an illusion and that
the vast expanses of the planet that are falling away
from Christianity are the external correlative of this
erosion." Road-Side Dog exudes this same consciousness,
yet, interested only in Christianity, he fails to
perceive that vast expanses of the planet have also left
behind the Islamic, Hindu, Taoist, Confucian, and
Buddhist religions.
Like his contemporaries, Milosz is a child of
dualities and contradictions, as he discloses in
Unattainable Earth: "Sometimes believing, sometimes not
believing, / With others like myself I unite in
worship." Though "loyal and disloyal," he performs what
is in itself an act of affirmation. One reason for such
tensions must be his recognition that we are "In an
intermediary phase, after the end of one era and before
the beginning of a new one." In another entry he writes,
"There is only one theme: an era is coming to an end
which lasted nearly two thousand years, when religion
had primacy of place in relation to philosophy, science
and art. . . ." Milosz recognizes the validity of his
own honest doubts and the abyss of evil and historical
calamity that is swallowing everything before it, yet he
does so while continuing to "unite in worship."
Similarly, in "Lecture V" of The Collected Poems, the
persona affirms "We plod on with hope," and then allows,
"And now let everyone / Confess to himself. eHas he
risen? eI dont know." It was perhaps these lines
that led Pope John Paul II to say to Milosz, as he
reports in A Year of the Hunter, "You always take one
step forward and one step back." In an essay in New
Perspectives Quarterly, Milosz describes himself as a
believer, while in A Year of the Hunter he refers to an
experience in church on Palm Sunday as an "intuitive
understanding that Christ exists." These contradictions
achieve their fullest expression in "Two Poems" in
Provinces: The first poem celebrates earthly life and
its values, while the second poem, "A Poem for the End
of the Century," bitterly, ironically recalls the
religious past. Of these two contrasting poems, Milosz
writes in a headnote that "taken together" they "testify
to my contradictions, since the opinions voiced in one
and the other are equally mine." To highlight either
side over the other would be a distortion of his psyche.
Milosz conveyed his complexity to the Pope when he
replied, "Can one write religious poetry in any other
way today?" I have often thought of Virginia Woolfs Mr.
Ramsay in To The Lighthouse, ascending the island rocks,
exclaiming, in one of the most poignant settings of
modern literature, "There is no God."
Perhaps because Milosz perceives our age as an
intermediary one, he finds it more possible than most
poets to hold out hope for the future. His hope, though,
as we have seen, is not naive, foolish, or unaware of
the incessant disintegration. It is that of one tried by
experience, who yet believes there are reasons for such
a poem as "Thankfulness." To give "thanks for good and
ill" manifests a trust that transcends our usual human
self-centeredness and that submits to the power of the
mystery of being, a trust that acknowledges in another
poem "They are incomprehensible, the things of this
earth." Such trust is also the prerequisite to finding
"Eternal light in everything on earth." Although from
the viewpoint of traditional Catholic belief some might
think such lines are suffused with vague gnosticism,
accuse him of having fallen off from the faith, of
"willing belief," as he says of himself in The Land of
Ulro, one must recognize the honest complexity of his
commitment if one wishes to confront, as he has, the
undeniable damage that has been visited upon all
organized forms of religion and government during the
modern era.
In reference to religion, while recognizing the
undeniable damage, Milosz has often expressed his
skepticism and uneasiness with Catholicism. Although he
seems to favor at times reversion to Catholicism,
suggests he himself is a heretic, harbors the conceit of
possessing the true truth among the great religions, he
also writes of going "forward, but on a different
track," of a "new vision," "a new awareness," "new
perspectives," as in A Year of the Hunter:
Why should we shut our eyes and pretend, rejecting
theobvious, that Ancient Rome is again in decline, and
this time its not pagan Rome under the blows of
Christianity, but the Rome of the monotheists God?
Since this, and nothing else, is the undeclared theme of
contemporary poetry in various languages, obviously this
conflict has already crossed the threshold of universal
consciousness. . . . Perhaps . . . new perspectives will
open up . . . .
Milosz has worked more deeply with the
spiritual dislocations of modern life than any other
poet of the twentieth century since T. S. Eliot.
In regard to government, Miloszs experience prepared
him to understand where we have been and where we are
going in a manner unique among modern poets. All the
more eloquently rings his plea in his Nobel Lecture for
sanity eventually to prevail among the nations of the
earth:
We realize that the unification of our planet is in
the making, and we attach importance to the notion of
international community. The days when the League of
Nations and the United Nations were founded deserve to
be remembered.
This realization of the importance of international
community can be found throughout his writings. Its
source, beyond his own experience, was, by his own
testimony, his uncle, Oscar Milosz, poet and seer, who
predicted the "triumph of the Roman Catholic Church."
Narrow Catholic hopes aside, history, lower case, moves
toward the vindication of both of them, as well as of
all those who have stood throughout this century for the
further development of international institutions
through which the nations may cooperate for the
protection of the weak and vulnerable, for the
protection of the little ones. If "There are no direct
lessons that American poets can learn from Milosz," the
fault lies entirely with us and the age of academic
criticism that has almost strangled the life out of
poetry. |
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John Milton (Blooms Modern Critical Views) by
Harold Bloom |
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Abdiel
Agonistes.... October 24, 2000 John Miltons reputation has unjustly suffered a
diminution during the last two centuries. The romantics,
repulsed by his religious theme of the earthly
pilgrimage of the soul, corrupted his poem by
maliciously interpreting Satan as the hero, despite
Miltons unequivocal condemnation of Satan and his
equally lucid characterization of the repentant Adam as
the true hero. T.S. Eliot and those who ape his opinions
also find Milton the man and his religious beliefs
repellent. The poets of the modern era deride Milton
because, in general, they have abandoned religious
belief and turned to vague forms of idealism, as in
Whitmans Democratic Vistas, and to the creation of
idiosyncratic ersatzes, as in Poes Eureka. John Keatss
Endymion and the Hyperion poems fail as much because of
their superficial content as their poor structure and
execution. In Audens analysis, "the modern problem"
hamstrings the romantics as much as Yeats or Pound.
Milton never suffered from such a malady and hence the
envious detestation he has received from minor poets who
are unquestionably his inferiors. Milton possesses a
serious vision of history and humankind that could only
achieve full expression in the most demanding form of
poetry--the epic. But most poets of the last few hundred
years have not found themselves entrusted with such a
vision. Much to the contrary, they excel in every
imaginable type of turpitude and triviality that the
human mind is capable of producing. Like Yeats they have
often thrown together every decadent principle or
superstition that has ever happened along. This sorry
state of affairs has become so common in postmodern
poetry that anyone who would attempt to restore epopee
to its glorious heights of noble seriousness and
serenity would find ranked against him every academic
hack and, as Milton phrased it, every "libidinous and
ignorant" poetaster who has "scarce ever heard of that
which is the main consistence of a true poem."
Milton knew the "consistence of a true poem," and
both Paradise Lost and many passages scattered
throughout his prose attest to it. In The Reason of
Church Government he surveys the abilities of such
masters as Homer, Virgil, Job, and Sophocles. Along with
the modern loss of belief in God has gone his high and
serious belief in the office of the poet. Equally
banished from the modern conception of poetry is all
respect for positive values, morals, and virtues. The
story of twentieth-century literature is the abuse and
misguided replacement of such healthy standards with the
perversions of modernism and postmodernism. In brief,
"the modern problem."
Unlike in the work of Jacques Derrida and his
academic flies, the "presence" of God is a reality for
Milton. Here in the abstract Milton gives us what
throughout Paradise Lost he has been dramatizing--the
"principles and presuppositions" to which Adam,
representative man, must obediently submit, not merely
in Eden, but for the fulfillment of his life during his
journey on the earthly plane. In Satan, Milton presents
the picture of the rebel, almost a type of the
Renaissance hero Benvenuto Cellini, who through pride
usurps power and whose fundamental actions and motives
have their most appropriate modern analogue, as many
have observed, in the archvillains Hitler, Mussolini,
Lenin, Stalin, and Mao. Such men fully embody the will
to power that the nihilist Nietzsche, as Thomas Mann put
it, glorified. Such totalitarian dictators were the
inevitable product of the romantic fascination with
Satan, as though he were a hero and not an arrogant
aspirant after power. Such cultural confusion reveals
itself in Goethes Faust as well as in Nietzsches Thus
Spake Zarathustra.
Such errors in judgment, such fundamental confusion
of values, mark the modern era and set it off from the
spiritually healthier times of Dante, Langland, Spenser,
and Milton--healthier only in terms of possessing to a
degree a unified spiritual vision that provided
universal standards with which to confront the damnable
deeds of their day. Far from the banal optimism of the
modern era, as in Whitman, they know that the long hard
way of man is through suffering and turmoil and that the
assurance Michael gives Adam about future generations
abides eternally: "Doubt not but that sin / Will reign
among them." Despite Freuds "freeing" man from sin, the
twentieth century proved to be the most sinful in
history, precisely because the unique spiritual reality
of each soul and its fundamental limitations were
denied. The violent, arrogant, insidious deeds of the
archvillains of modern political nihilism alone account
for the suffering and deaths of hundreds of millions of
people, while much of the so-called intelligentsia of
the West and East defended or prepared the way for the
slaughter. Whereas Virgil denounced war except as the
last resort for establishing peace, modern poets have
often ignored the inhumanities of our century--save for
those like Pound whose totalitarianism abetted the
brutalizing of millions of innocents and the early Auden
who approved "the necessary murder." Here at the end of
the twentieth century when humankind still stands
technologically capable of destroying much of the vast
expanse of the globe and much, though not all, of its
population, here when a more trustworthy political form
has yet to be securely established to channel the will
of the citizens of the international community, epopee
must again take account of the social domain and mans
earthly journey through these immense atrocities. For by
faithfully treading the dark way of horror, by weighing
the modern loss of belief, humankind may begin to regain
the path in the twenty-first century, and, like Dantes
persona, attain the highest summit of peace and glory. |
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Poetry of Ryuichi Tamura (Poetry of Ryuichi Tamura)
by Ryuichi Tamura |
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Vanishing.... October 12, 2000 For Japan and its writers, the modern darkness deepens
during the period of military fascism and World War II.
With the defeat and unconditional surrender, immense
shock waves rocked the entire culture calling into
question the pseudo-Shinto and Confucian values Japan
had based its society on for almost a century. As
writers returned from one front or another of the war,
they found a Japan devastated by the Allied bombing.
Maebashi, for instance, where I lived for a few years,
was reduced to rubble along with its bridges. Before
long, the entire country was restructured by the
Occupation. Japanese writers now understood much more
deeply the experience of the Western World War I
generation. Better than any other postwar poet, Tamura
Ryuichi (1923-) registers, since his own hometown in the
suburbs of Tokyo no longer existed, the shock and
disorientation of the modern Japanese psyche. Briefly a
student of Hagiwara Sakutaro, Tamura had little interest
in classical Japanese poetry, which emphasized the unity
of man and nature, but read widely in Western literature
and was especially influenced by T. S. Eliot, Steven
Spender, C. Day Lewis, and W. H. Auden, whom Tamura
eventually met in New York in 1971. In a literary
magazine called Arechi or "wasteland," Tamura and other
postwar poets gave voice to the despair and horror they
felt, unequivocally stating, in an early manifesto, "The
present is a wasteland." The first poem in which Tamura
finds his true voice and distance from his material is
the prose poem "Etching," published in 1956:
Now he sees a landscape he saw in a German etching it
appears to be an aerial view of an ancient city between
twilight and darkness or a realistic drawing of a
modern-day cliff being taken from midnight toward dawn
This man the one I began to describe killed his father
when he was young that autumn his mother went
beautifully insane (tr. Christopher Drake)
The critic Ikuko Atsumi has said of this poem that it
aims at a universal vision of East and West, ancient and
modern. The extreme nationalism of the Japanese fascists
now defeated, the "he" can view the fullness or
"landscape" of Western culture, specifically German,
declining into "darkness" or rising as "a modern-day
cliff," ominous, dehumanized, marked by loss and angst.
Atsumi suggests the father "possibly refers to the
emperor system in Japan, and the mother he made
beautifully insane to Japans aesthetic consciousness."
Like the West, the East too descended into a wasteland
of madness and violence, the ancient now discredited and
rendered nugatory. This is the "Etching" come to light,
etched into Tamuras consciousness and all postwar
Japanese writers of worth. Blending together the
perspective of the subjective "I" and objective "he,"
aware of the horror, Tamura introduces into Japanese
poetry a voice of detachment, observing life outside his
own personal existence with meditative restraint,
seeking a deeper understanding of modern human
experience.
Having known and read Tamuras work for more than
fifteen years, I have often thought of him as akin
somehow to Robert Lowell. He has a memory of Japans
past that he never idealizes, but works with and probes
it, pondering always without sentimentality the modern
and by-gone days. Like Lowell and so many postmodern
Western poets, Tamura also goes through a time of fairly
formalistic writing, but he seems to outgrow it and
returns to engaging universal experience outside his own
little personal consciousness. Many other Japanese
poets, as in the United States, are still stuck in such
solipsism. Saigyo and Basho both believed poetry must
consider the transcendent and involve conceptual
knowledge outside the self, not merely aesthetic
formalism. As late as 1982, in what is one of his
greatest poems, "Spiral Cliff," Tamura looks soberly at
modern world history. After the speaker reflects on a
photograph of a deer "falling off a cliff" and wonders
"whats after it," he says,
Our century ends without decadence/ after the night
and fog of Nazi gas chambers/ after Soviet forced labor
camps/ after two U.S. atomic bombs on Japan/ theres no
thrill left in killing,/ no fear of the soul, no crime
in adultery. . . .
In "our century," the values requisite for perceiving
and defining "decadence" have disappeared, "crime and
evil disconnected," all restraining sense of the soul
lost. As a result, unimaginable horror has been
perpetrated in every region of the globe on an appalling
scale affecting both the social and individual realms.
Like a roller coaster, "our century ends on pure speed."
Recalling the photo of the deer, he thinks,
Im afraid of high places/ the cliff in me/ am I the
hunter/ or the prey?
The "high places" are both those of earlier mentioned
"boardrooms / of huge corporations," East and West, in a
manner reminiscent of Kaneko Mitsuharus Book of Mud,
and the "modern-day cliff" of confusion, now "the cliff
in me." The ambiguity of the question "am I the hunter /
or the prey?" acknowledges the complexity of modern life
where all are somehow complicitous in human tragedy.
Terrified by "blank paper," by "what dreams will live
and die there," Tamura accepts the writers obligation
to struggle for values worthy of all human beings, not
just Japanese.
Next in dream half nightmare, he sees his own inner
cliff protruding "between dreams / spiraling" down.
Waking in the dawn, lying horizontally across the bed,
he reads the morning newspaper full of massacre and
civil war:
Vanishing/ cliff dream/ vertical dream/ elementally/
Gone
All the dreams have vanished as off the edge of a
cliff. Vertical dreams have been replaced by the
horizontal, exactly the information that fills the
newspaper. Like the best of modern writers, Auden or
Lowell, Tamura has the honesty and strength of intellect
and spirit to recognize it is all "gone." I believe his
vision of modern life and Japan is true, for it has been
my own experience, lived not only in Japan but also in
the United States, where "without decadence" the culture
sinks to ever more dehumanized levels of violence,
depravity, and social fragmentation. The importance of
Tamuras poetry has not been sufficiently recognized in
the West, nor in Japan.
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Rats Nests: The Collected Poetry of Hagiwara Sakutaro
(Translations of Modern Japanese Poetry Series)
by Hagiwara Sakutaro |
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In Front of the Bridge.... October 1, 2000 By the end of the nineteenth century, several
anthologies of Western literature had been translated
and published introducing Japanese writers to a variety
of new literary styles and genres. After a long and
natural period of imitation and derivative writing, as a
result of the fresh exposure to the outside world,
Japan, deeply affected by its centuries of sakoku or
forced isolation, produced its first truly modern poet
in Hagiwara Sakutaro (1886-1942). Born northwest of
Tokyo in Maebashi, "in front of the bridge," at the
center of Japan, Hagiwara made himself into a Japanese
Baudelaire, writing in an at times obscure symbolist
free verse, in the colloquial tongue, about alcoholics,
bars, squalid love, and sin. He also acknowledged Poe,
Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Dostoevski as Western
writers who were important to him, while an heir of the
lyrics of Saigyo and Basho. Hagiwara has been commonly
recognized by Japanese critics as the most important
modern Japanese poet since the publication of his first
book of poems in 1917, Howling at the Moon, which he
wrote in provincial Maebashi, often longing for life in
Tokyo where he did at times live. In "Sad Moonlit
Night," Hagiwara gives voice to his sense of life in
modern Japan, after hearing a dog howling on a wharf: A
damned thief dog is howling at the moon above the
rotting wharf. A soul listens, and in gloomy voices,
yellow daughters are singing in chorus, singing in
chorus, on the wharfs dark stonework.
Always, why am I like this, dog, pale unhappy dog?
(tr. Hiroaki Sato)
The symbolic moon of Saigyo no longer reflects
transcendence but misery, alienation, self-pity, and
despair, a psyche as distressed as the "damned" dog.
Hagiwara is painfully conscious that something is
lacking in or has gone wrong with "the rotting wharf" of
modern life. At the end of the poem, identifying not
with the moon but with the howling dog, he further
projects his own feelings of loneliness and unhappiness
and ponders the nature of the modern self, lost and
restlessly struggling in the same malaise as the West.
In 1925 Hagiwara published a collection of poems that
includes "Owatari Bridge," which I quote in full. The
Japanese poet and critic Miyoshi Tatsuji wrote about
this poem that "It is not only the jewel among Hagiwara
Sakutaros poems, but a masterpiece that occupies a
prominent place among the countless poems written since
shintaishi [new style poetry] became free verse":
The long bridge theyve erected here No doubt goes
from lonely Sosha village straight to Maebashi town.
Crossing the bridge I sense desolation pass through me.
Carts go by loaded with goods, men leading the horses.
And restless, nagging bicycles. When I cross this long
bridge Twilight hunger stabs me.
Ahh--to be in your native place and not go home! Ive
suffered to the full griefs that sting like salt. I grow
old in solitude. How to describe the fierce anger today
over bitter memories? I will tear up my miserable
writings And throw every scrap into the onrushing Tone
River. I am famished as a wolf. Again and again I clutch
at the railing, grind my teeth,
But it does no good: something like tears spills out,
Flows down my cheeks, unstanched. Ahh--how contemptible
I have been all along! Past me go carts loaded with
goods, men leading the horses. This day, when everything
is cold, the sky darkens over the plain. (tr. Donald
Keene)
Having lived for a year and a half in Maebashi, where
I taught at Gunma University, I cannot read this poem
without stirring up my deepest emotions. While it is
true that Maebashi is a provincial town, since
everything of cultural importance to most Japanese takes
place in Tokyo, I cant share Hagiwaras bitter
feelings. I have many warm memories of Maebashi which is
now surely less isolated than during Hagiwaras
lifetime, or even when I was there. Almost daily I saw
the cemetery of the Buddhist Shojun temple where
Hagiwaras remains are buried. It was while I was living
in Maebashi that I first forced myself to read
Baudelaire and recall reading him on the express train
from nearby Takasaki to Tokyo. Crossing the Tone River
on its bridges at least a couple of times a week, I
enjoyed the sight of fishermen in rubber waders fly
casting, the bridge crowded with bicycles, often
children on their way to school. Hagiwaras poem "Owatari
Bridge" impresses deeply upon me how the state of the
consciousness of the individual poet affects perception.
Accepting the decadent clichs of the pote maudit of
modern Western literature, Hagiwara chose to view life
through tainted, distorting lenses. Standing between
express cars, rocking along between Maebashi and Tokyo,
I knew Baudelaires vision of life, though true in terms
of social change and loss, was essentially unhealthy,
the product of a sick mind. Modern life in Maebashi
helped me to understand that. Unfortunately, Hagiwara
never learnt that lesson but ended his ever-darkening
life, as he put it, "in the shadow of the hazy landscape
of Nihilism," writing poems heavily influenced by
Nietzsche while militarism took over his country. |
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